ISLAMABAD: When Indian and Pakistani delegates clashed at a meeting of senior officials of the Asean Regional Forum (ARF) in Penang (Malaysia) on Wednesday, it felt like a familiar script playing out again — the usual barbs over Kashmir, terrorism and Indus Waters Treaty violations.

But beneath the heated rhetoric, a quieter, more consequential shift was unfolding: Pakistan’s long-stalled ambition to become a full-dialogue partner of Asean was beginning to gather momentum.

The fact that a diplomatic flare-up also spotlighted Pakistan’s ambitions isn’t just ironic — it’s telling.

India, still stuck in Operation Sindoor — its military aggression against Pakistan on May 7 — used the ARF platform to cast Pakistan as a spoiler, more interested in disruption than diplomacy.

New Delhi tried to use ARF platform to cast Pakistan as a spoiler

Speaking at the meeting, Indian diplomat Shri P. Kumaran voiced New Delhi’s concerns over what he described as the persistent threat of state-sponsored terrorism. Referring to the recent attack in India-held Kashmir, Mr Kumaran defended India’s military response as “measured, proportionate, and responsible”, asserting that it was not intended to escalate tensions.

Pakistan, through Additional Foreign Secretary Imran Ahmed Siddiqui, hit back hard, calling India’s accusations baseless and describing Pakistani counter-response as “legitimate and proportionate”. He accused New Delhi of “calculated duplicity” and violating both international law and the Indus Waters Treaty.

The themes were well-worn. What was new — and geopolitically telling — was Malaysia’s decision to speak up for Pakistan’s Asean ambitions.

Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim, currently chairing Asean, went beyond polite encouragement. Speaking after Eid prayers last weekend, he reiterated Malaysia’s backing of Pakistan’s bid for full dialogue partner status — and promised to raise it formally at the upcoming Asean leaders’ summit in October.

The timing of the statement wasn’t incidental, and neither was the intent. Delivered just before the ARF meeting, his message was calibrated for impact.

“It will be brought up for discussion at the Asean leaders’ conference,” PM Anwar Ibrahim said in Putrajaya, reviving a position he first expressed last year.

Asean currently maintains a moratorium on inducting new full-dialogue partners, a cautious policy reflecting the bloc’s consensus-driven character, but with Malaysia at the helm this year, officials suggest the moratorium may be up for debate.

To understand why this matters, one must consider what full-dialogue partner status entails and why Pakistan is eager to secure it. It’s not just about symbolism, it means recognition, access to deeper cooperation, and a strategic anchor in a region that is increasingly central to global trade and security.

At present, Pakistan’s economic ties with Asean are underwhelming. Annual trade hovers around $7-8 billion — hardly a fraction of India’s $123 billion, and nowhere near China’s $962 billion. But the disparity isn’t merely economic. It importantly reflects Pakistan’s longstanding inability to engage meaningfully beyond its traditional areas of focus — a diplomatic inertia long exacerbated by its preoccupation with India.

Yet if the ARF showdown in Penang boxed Pakistan into familiar confrontations, it also revealed something else: a foreign policy establishment that appears more willing to reach beyond the traditional areas. Pakistan’s outreach to countries like Laos, Myanmar, Indonesia, Thailand, Vietnam, Philippines and even Japan and Australia on the sidelines of the forum signalled a shift. Islamabad, for once, did not arrive only to play defence.

Malaysia’s support carries weight. As a founding Asean member, its views matter and Anwar Ibrahim’s own political legacy, shaped by principles of South-South solidarity and Islamic cooperation, makes him a fitting champion for Pakistan’s bid. But his advocacy also reflects a broader recalibration within Asean, where old assumptions are being quietly reexamined under the pressure of new geopolitical realities.

This is exactly what makes India uneasy.

New Delhi has spent years cultivating its “Act East” policy, casting itself as a strategic counterweight to China and a natural partner for Southeast Asia. Its economic clout, market size, and expanding security ties have helped it maintain influence within Asean, particularly on issues like Kashmir, where it insists on non-intervention by third parties.

But Asean is no longer a passive audience. While some members notably Singapore and Vietnam remain sceptical of Pakistan’s intentions, others, like Malaysia, Indonesia, and even Thailand, see value in bringing new voices to the table. And India’s heavy-handed posture, including military actions like Operation Sindoor, may be wearing thin, particularly among members wary of militarised brinkmanship.

The real takeaway here is not just about power politics. It’s about perception. Soft power, after all, is not just built on trade and culture — but on humility, inclusivity, and the ability to listen. In seeking to isolate Pakistan, India may have unintentionally elevated its regional relevance.

That said, Pakistan cannot afford to mistake opportunity for achievement. Aspirations must be backed by action. Asean members value consistency, economic reform, and a commitment to shared norms. If Pakistan hopes to convince the holdouts such as Philippines or Vietnam, it must offer more than grievances. It must present a credible vision of regional cooperation, economic partnership and diplomatic maturity.

The Asean-Pakistan Sectoral Dialogue Partnership: Practical Cooperation Areas (2024–28) was a quiet but important step. However, good intentions alone won’t carry the day. The October summit is fast approaching, and with it, a narrow window to translate rhetoric into results.

Published in Dawn, June 12th, 2025