MODERN states are faced with numerous traditional and non-traditional security challenges, including threats from Violent Non-State Actors (VNSAs). VNSAs are usually defined as groups that employ violence and propagate and support extremism for the furtherance of their ideological or political objectives. Since most of today’s armed conflicts take place within states, the VNSA phenomenon can also be described as ‘the enemy within’.

VNSAs either attract volunteers or recruit activists by force. They have a hierarchy and command structure that usually operates outside state control or influence. Where a chain of command is absent, VNSAs exist as loosely organised groups. In exceptional situations, some VNSAs control territory and have established parallel administrative control. Some VNSAs may have clearly defined political objectives, while others operate in ambiguity. Some are active in rural areas, while others are mainly in urban areas. Groups active in urban areas require more sophistication and proficiency. A few groups prefer targeting the military, while others prefer civilians. Some groups appoint women in important roles; in others, they serve in support roles.

VNSAs can take full advantage of the weaknesses in a state’s internal and external security policies and may derive their strength from neighbouring or powerful states. Some groups exert considerable influence on the daily lives and activities of the people within their territory. For example, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front in the Philippines, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in Sri Lanka, and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement in South Sudan have wielded considerable influence in the past.

However, the scale of territorial control is not the sole factor determining the success of such groups. Even without territorial control, VNSAs may be able to cause great disturbances or create disorder. A group may not aim to change the regime but merely to destabilise the state. On the other hand, territorial control enables a group to exploit resources, indulge in illegal businesses, and introduce speedy and inexpensive justice, improved health facilities, and environmental protection standards. In a few instances, VNSAs have tried to redistribute wealth, protect local people, and offer basic social services. The introduction of the concept of ‘revolutionary justice’ provides a sense of protection to common folk and improves support for VNSAs within the community.

Some VNSAs have political objectives, while others operate in ambiguity.

VNSAs influence the distribution and exploitation of local resources and individual identities. Upon joining the group, individuals adopt an alias or a nom de guerre, ensuring their protection and gaining a new identity at the expense of their family identity. The organisational identity of members assumes priority, especially for young members, who may feel more valued and elevated within their new family. As members of this new family, they adopt new norms, values, and behaviour patterns.

Social resources, such as shared beliefs, expectations and norms within certain ethnic, religious, cultural, and ideological groups can recruit ‘high-commitment’ individuals. On the other hand, the opportunity to exploit economic resources, such as by extracting natural resources, taxation, criminal activity, or external patronage, may attract ‘low-commitment’ individuals seeking short-term personal gain. This creates a distinction between ‘activist’ and ‘opportunist’ groups. For example, the PKK may be classified as an activist group, while the Revolutionary United Front in Sierra Leone can be characterised as an opportunist group.

The operational pr-e­­sence of VNSAs wi­­thin states raises qu­­estions about the efficacy of the state ap­­­­- paratus and indicates the need for intros­pection. Such circumstances warrant a na­­tional-level kinetic option or regional or international milit­a­­ry action. Globalisa­tion has strengthened VNSAs, as planning, training, financing, fa­­­cilitation, and targeting operations are now conducted in different parts of the world. Besides employing a coercive approach, states must also opt for an inclusive approach where appropriate. Deradicalisation and reintegration should be top priorities. A living state has to be protective and humane. It must act as a shield for innocent citizens, protecting them from extremists.

Globalisation, technology, and innovation have enabled VNSAs to be innovative, keeping themselves unpredictable and testing the patience of states, governments, and people. Without cooperation among states, the use of technology, and an active role of the public in countering narratives, defeating VNSAs will remain an elusive dream.

The writer is the author of Pakistan: In Between Extremism and Peace.

X: @alibabakhel

Published in Dawn, September 2nd, 2024