EU thinks of a global role
By Shadaba Islam
EUROPEAN Union leaders head off to Lisbon next week for another bout of intense soul-searching over the future of their 27-nation bloc.
The focus of the meeting on Oct 18-19 — as at several past EU summits — will be on trying to finalise a new, so-called ‘reform treaty’ aimed at streamlining EU institutions and decision-making to take account of the Union’s expansion to 27 states. But while the omens for the encounter look good, the jury is still out on whether a final treaty deal can be done.
The problem remains one of political will. All EU leaders recognise that it’s time for Europe to stop looking inwards, put its house in order and start playing a more active and forceful global role. A stronger EU is especially needed, they say, to compensate for the declining international role and influence of a crippled US administration. However, try as they might to stay on track and secure agreement on the treaty, EU leaders keep getting distracted by national politics, diverging interests — and big egos.
Europe’s constitutional stalemate dates back several years. The crisis erupted in spring 2005 when ambitious EU plans for a new constitution were scuppered by French electors who voted against the text in a national referendum. Soon afterwards, Dutch citizens also gave the constitution the thumbs down, prompting EU leaders to start a new round of equally difficult discussions on whether and how to salvage the blueprint.
With the gutsy German Chancellor Angela Merkel breathing down their necks, a new, slimmed-down ‘reform treaty’ was finally thrashed out by EU leaders at marathon summit talks in Brussels in June despite strong opposition from Poland which argued that Germany, as the EU’s largest state, was being given too many votes in the bloc’s decision-making council of ministers.
Warsaw did succeed, however, in delaying the introduction of the new voting system. The new treaty has been expunged of any references to a European flag or anthem — symbols seen as trappings of a European ‘super state’ and as such abhorred by Eurosceptics in Britain and Poland.
Problems still linger, however. Although most of the contents of the treaty have been agreed by EU officials and legal experts during the last few months, the meeting in Lisbon is expected — once again — to be dominated by Polish and British concerns over some aspects of the document
Poland is especially in the spotlight because of national elections on Oct 21, two days after the summit. Confirming its growing reputation as EU ‘troublemaker’, Poland is again demanding changes in the treaty text by insisting it should include a provision allowing a group of countries that lack enough votes to block EU decisions to secure a delay for a certain length of time. Although an arrangement already exists to permit such delays for up to three months, other governments oppose Poland’s demand to incorporate this kind of special provision into the treaty’s main text.
One possible solution would be to reassure Warsaw with a political declaration on the right to delay decisions, diplomats said. Poland also wants to increase the number of senior officials, known as advocates-general, at the European Court of Justice to reflect its position as one of the six largest EU countries next to France, Germany, Italy, Spain and the UK.
Like Britain, Poland intends to opt out of the treaty’s charter of fundamental rights — in Poland’s case, in order to protect its Roman Catholic-influenced family law. ‘Poland’s point of view culturally is different from the majority of other European countries,’ President Lech Kaczynski said recently, adding that the nation could not ‘for example, accept marriages of people of the same sex’.
Many governments appear willing to make some concessions to Warsaw in order to reach a deal in Lisbon. But it’s still not clear if, given upcoming elections, the Polish president and his twin brother Jaroslow Kaczynski, who is also the country’s prime minister, will accept compromise solutions.
Even if EU leaders can stop wrangling and secure agreement, more obstacles lie ahead. The blueprint can only enter into force once it is ratified by all 27 EU states. In some countries, ratification is done by national parliaments. But while only Ireland is compelled by its constitution to hold a referendum before it can ratify the new treaty, others like Britain — and perhaps Denmark — are under pressure to do so.
Given their past experience with consulting a generally Europhobic public, EU leaders are understandably reluctant to hold referenda.
Prime Minister Gordon Brown insists that a referendum on the treaty is not needed because Britain has secured control over human and social rights, foreign policy, tax and benefits. But the opposition Conservative party argues that the government is ‘morally bound’ to hold such a popular vote. The Conservatives argue that despite government claims that Britain has secured all its demands, the new reform treaty is much the same as the constitution it replaces.
Desperate to put an end to the bickering, European Commission President Jose Manuel Barroso argues that the EU must salvage its reputation by striking agreement on the reform treaty and turning its attention to global problems.
Once the new treaty is agreed, the EU will have the ‘capacity to act in the interest of its citizens through more coherence externally, more efficient decision-making and more democratic accountability’, Barroso said recently.
But there could be a long wait. Under a timetable envisioned by Germany and backed by several member states, the treaty should be ratified by the national parliaments of all EU member states by mid-2009, ahead of the next European elections.
But urgent action is needed on a number of fronts, and the number of areas demanding EU attention remains daunting. EU leaders, for example, are anxious to forge a new post-Kyoto treaty to combat global warming and climate change. There is growing concern at the bloc’s dependence on energy imports from an increasingly assertive and unpredictable Russia. Decisions are also urgently required on the future status of the breakaway Serb republic of Kosovo.
Even more crucially, EU leadership is desperately needed to salvage the dying Doha round of World Trade Organisation talks. This is especially necessary given the growing anti-free trade sentiment in the United States. EU trade experts are especially concerned at the protectionist views being expressed by Ms Hillary Clinton and other Democratic Party frontrunners for next year’s presidential election.
EU leaders, meanwhile, must also tackle an array of sticky domestic issues, including how to reconcile the growing need for immigrants to fill key jobs in both the skilled and unskilled sectors with rising anti-foreigner feeling in many nations.
The European Commission recently unveiled a ‘blue card’ scheme to attract skilled foreigners into Europe, but the plan was immediately denounced by Germany and other nations which warned that the bloc could not take in more immigrants without losing its social cohesiveness and identity. ‘There is a large reservoir of unused labour in Germany,’ said the country’s economy minister Michael Glos.Seeking to ease such concerns, Barroso has underlined that while the EU will encourage legal migration, it will become even tougher in its dealings with those who try to find work in Europe illegally.
The Commission has calculated that the EU needs 20 million immigrants to fill labour shortages. But EU leaders in Lisbon will be too busy fighting over the treaty to send a ‘Welcome to Europe’ message to would-be migrants.
The writer is Dawn’s correspondent based in Brussels.

