Sharing the Indus

PRESIDENT Musharraf has done well to seek a national consensus on the issue of constructing new dams on the Indus by opening a debate with leaders from Sindh. Sindh, Balochistan and the NWFP have long opposed the construction of the Kalabagh and Bhasha dams, fearing that doing so would eat into their allotted shares from the Indus river system. All talk of water sharing among the provinces over the last decade has been riddled with controversies, conspiracy theories and unilateral decisions imposed from above. This has left the smaller provinces aggrieved and resentful, to the point that the three provinces’ legislatures have passed resolutions against any change in the water sharing formula of 1991, which Sindh had accepted only grudgingly and under protest. Meanwhile, work has been stalled on new development projects and, where such work has begun, as in the case of the Thal canal, there have been more heartburn and controversy. Now, the president’s decision to set up a technical committee and a parliamentary committee to examine these issues in detail and report their findings to parliament is a step in the right direction.

Politicization of the scarcity of water resources and disputes over how to share these equitably among the provinces have led the country nowhere for more than a decade now. Over time, this scarcity, coupled with an unchecked rise in population and our lack of ability to do anything about it, have caused much harm to the power generation and agriculture sectors. Sindh’s delta region has had to bear the brunt of this policy of procrastination over the issue in the form of coastal environmental degradation, depletion of mangroves and fisheries, with sea water making its way up the dry Indus delta, raising salt levels and reducing arable land.

There are basically two issues at stake: one, where and when will the new dams be constructed and, two, how much water needs to flow downstream of Kotri to keep the sea from encroaching inland. Viewed from a logical standpoint, both the issues require pure technical know-how and a political consensus among the provinces. If that spirit can be instilled in the two committees that the president has committed himself to setting up, there is no reason why a national consensus cannot be evolved. To lend further credence to the findings of these committees, these must be openly debated in both houses of parliament and there should be no rush on the part of the government to push the final decision through parliament until everyone who has a valid opinion has been heard and satisfied. The Senate’s consent to the final decision will be of critical importance, as the upper house is meant to be the custodian of provincial rights in a parliament based on majority representation.

Senseless and disturbing

THERE has been strong condemnation in Pakistan of Monday’s senseless act of carnage in Mumbai when two car bombs killed at least 50 people and injured scores of others. The bombs went off in taxis and exploded outside the Gateway of India and a crowded jewellers’ market. This is the bloodiest incident of its kind in Mumbai since the 1993 bomb attacks, which had followed extensive communal rioting in the city three months earlier, although it has been racked by a string of smaller bomb blasts in recent weeks. The city offers a prime target because of its importance as India’s financial centre, but ultimately all such acts of wanton terrorism should be seen as self-defeating that further no political end and only kill and maim innocent civilians.

The objective and identity of the attackers are not known, and no organization had claimed responsibility till Tuesday afternoon. In these circumstances, it is always dangerous to jump to conclusions. The Indian deputy prime minister and some other politicians and officials, however, have blamed the Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI), a banned organization which they claim is linked to a Pakistan-based militant group. There has been speculation that the succession of hits against Mumbai, mainly in Gujarati-dominated areas, may be in retaliation for last year’s anti-Muslim pogrom in Gujarat, undertaken with the state government’s active encouragement and support, in which some 2,000 people were killed. Just before the bomb explosions, a report of the Archaeological Survey of India was made public; intriguingly, the report has discovered the ruins of a temple beneath the foundations of the demolished Babri Mosque. Some vague connection is being drawn between the two developments, but the short time span between the announcement of the report’s findings and the bomb attacks would seem to militate against this theory.

In view of the allegations being made, one great worry is what effect all this might have on the peace process underway between India and Pakistan. It would be tragic in the extreme if jingoistic elements across the border were permitted to capitalize on the tragedy to put pressure on Prime Minister Vajpayee to hold back on taking the process forward. Even if it turns out that SIMI is involved, that should only strengthen the resolve to pursue Indo-Pakistan peace with greater vigour. That is the only way to clip the wings of militants on both sides who thrive on hostility between the two countries and who need to be isolated and exposed. Meanwhile, the Indian government will be expected to move decisively to prevent any possible communal backlash to Monday’s traumatic happenings.

Higher rail fares

IT IS difficult to understand the rationale behind this week’s 10 per cent increase in train fares. As things stand, there is no justification for it since fuel prices have not gone up in the same proportion during the past year. One of the reasons cited by the minister of railways is the financial burden caused by salaries and pensions. At present, with 96,000 employees, it is no wonder that the organization suffers financially. But to raise train fares to meet these ballooning costs is to punish passengers, most of whom belong to the lower and middle-income groups. Fast and efficient bus services have already driven away a substantial number of train customers, and it seems the Pakistan Railways may be pricing itself out of the business by opting for fare hikes. Mention may be made here of an issue that is now more or less forgotten — the grave damage done to the goods transportation business of the railways by the privileged position granted to the NLC. The railways did manage to compete with private trucking without much difficulty, but the Army’s unnecessary involvement in freight transportation through the NLC has made a serious dent in railway finances. It is time the NLC was privatized and the railways position as the preferred transporter of public goods restored.

The emphasis seems to be on increasing revenues but not necessarily through higher passenger loads. The railway administration has resorted to novel methods in this regard. These include development of a golf course and commercialization of over 50 railway sites in the past year. On the other hand, there has been little progress made in clearing up encroachments on railway lands and on the laying of double tracks on different sections of the network. While the need to stay in the black is understandable, the fact is that the railways is a public utility and one that enjoys a monopoly in many sectors. As still the largest carrier of people, it requires remodelling according to a long-term plan and not fitful sustenance through fare hikes.