
So much has been written and said about the rise of the ‘middle class’ and it being the motor force of the PTI that after the July 25 poll outcome, it is necessary to pen some thoughts on both the politics of tabdeeli and its purported middle-class base.
Let’s begin by setting the record straight: the middle class did not bring the PTI to power. Pakistan’s established electoral arithmetic — delimitation of constituencies, inducements made to voters, and the antics of the establishment — is such that gathering a critical mass of entrenched ‘electables’ is still the most effective route to power. This is what the PTI managed, and why it is now about to form the government.
It is true that the ‘middle class’ has been an important piece in the PTI’s evolving political puzzle, with many commentators noting the growing influence of a salaried, tech-savvy and relatively independent-minded segment of the population on the shaping of political discourse, particularly in urban settings where social media platforms are prominent.
The middle class did not bring the PTI to power.
According to the narrative in vogue, this youthful segment may not yet be organised enough to sway constituency-level electoral outcomes, but it has helped build an ‘alternative’ that challenges the entrenched interests that have long dominated Pakistani politics.
I agree that the political field is changing, due to the rise of new information technologies in general, and demographic changes more specifically. It would be incorrect, however, to limit discussion of these structural shifts only to the 2010s. The so-called ‘TV revolution’ that kicked off at the turn of the century preceded the PTI’s rise, and created a captive ‘middle-class’ audience watching established politicians taken to task on talk shows from the comfort of their living rooms.
Indeed, the notion that the ‘middle class’ has only recently become a player in Pakistani politics is not true. The middle-class motif emphasising meritocracy and rule of law along with demonising ‘corrupt politicians’ has animated many a dictatorship in Pakistan’s history.
One can trace this narrative back further; in 1835, Macaulay announced that the British would actively cultivate an educated, enlightened class of Indians to promote modern education, government and rationality. The Raj, of course, never resolved the contradictions of establishing an idealised modernity in India whilst also sustaining entrenched classes, castes and biradaris, especially in rural areas. Such contradictions have also stood out in the ‘modernising’ projects of Pakistan’s establishment, during dictatorships and otherwise.
The point is that the ideal of an educated, law-abiding and meritocratic society with a mythical ‘middle class’ as its primary subject is far from a novel one. Certainly, the present ‘middle-class moment’ is substantively different from those that preceded it. Most crucially, the middle class, although still vaguely defined, is much bigger, youthful and politically conscious than before.
While colonial administrators and military dictators were more interested in cultivating the allegiances of what was a far more elite segment of society than the term ‘middle class’ implied, in today’s Pakistan the term actually captures empirical reality to a far greater extent, at least in so far as being ‘middle class’ represents an aspiration as much as a determinate status in society. Indeed, it is this aspiration that drives the ‘middle class’ to try and shape political debate and even practise rather than simply be held hostage to status quo.
Yet this increasingly well-informed, critical-minded and youthful ‘middle class’ should know that its forbearers have been struggling for change for much of Pakistan’s history. Pakhtun, Baloch, Sindhi, Seraiki youth, not to mention those hailing from Gilgit-Baltistan have been pushing to transform the neocolonial state structure since its inception. Middle-class progressives have spent decades organising for land reform — initially in rural areas but increasingly in urban areas as well. It is from within the middle class that movements against male domination have emerged. And let’s not forget those middle-class revolutionaries that have historically been at the forefront of the heroic effort to transform Pakistan from a ‘national security’ state into a genuine people’s democracy.
Yes, the middle class is bigger, and more influential than before. It can be a force for real transformation in Pakistan. But is the PTI going to antagonise entrenched interest groups and state institutions? It now has a chance, but one can only hope that the elements within the emergent youthful ‘middle class’ that want a real alternative will not give up on ‘change’ once sloganeering around ‘corruption’ and ‘rule of law’ subsides and the imperative of political struggle to secure equality, dignity and freedom for long-suffering ethnic groups, gender populations and the toiling classes becomes more urgent than ever.
The writer teaches at Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad.
Published in Dawn, August 10th, 2018
Comments (21) Closed
Small businesses prefers the status quo, where they can cheat on income taxes and continue dodgy practices, as they have done for the last 70 years.
Salaried individuals prefer a reformist government.
It was the youth vote (and women vote) that got PTI to power
Sure. The middle class and the lower middle class top to bottom. Then upper middle class whose politicians jumped ship to the PTI saw the writing on the wall. The middle classes are the majority of the voting public. Don't forget they were taking practice swings in 2013. I think the PML-N made it's biggest mistake in not disclosing Nawaz's business deals with China. That alienated the lower middle class.
Most of the electables PTI inducted actually lost.
It was khali makhlooq that helped him and international bankers
Where only billionaires qualify for obtaining the seats of chief ministers, how can the poor middle class be held responsible for the winning streak?
The rise of Imran Khan is due to his focus on corruption. Pakistan has been bleeding because the ruling class - politicians, bureaucrats - have been fleecing the nation for decades. IK has galvanised people against the corrupt.
pti win is combination of factors including electibels, media management showing trend of pti winning on the basis of 1% to 21% poll counting, post-poll management and an appeal with youth who wanted change instead of testing older ones again. Let us hope for better.
So how come the results were almost exact to what was predicted in all major opinion polls.
Many electables PTI fielded lost the elections. Induction of new voters may have made the bigger difference. Dont want to say this but where i work, the younger and educated were supporting PTI whereas the older folk still had support for Nleague and PPP
The middle class and youth had definitely voted for PTI atleast in KPK.This province is primarily comprised of middle and lower middle class and the fast growing youth population where female voters have also increased over the years.The demographics has changed the voting pattern and it will continue in future once FATA will be a part of it.Traditional religious party's future does not look bright in KPK.
Hyperactive cyber prone middle class and infinitely suppressed poor as well as the perennially confined majority of women are responsible for the rise of PTI.
1-if consider the # of votes, yes ! 2-if campaign, influence and finance, no !
Only the corrupt wanted the status quo to perpetuate with the entrenched two-party system and with exploding youth population that model of governance would be challenged sooner or later and probably not without anarchy. IK has offered that change without dire consequences. Now we should give space to PTI and let them get on with their proposed agenda for the next five years!
In Pakistan the middle class is a small part of the population. The bulk of people live in urban settings where feudal rule. The electable's are the feudal lords who have the vote bank. PPP in Sindh and PML-N in Punjab have used the electable's and feudal lords to its benefits for a long time now.
Did PTI beat them on their game? How much and how well PTI did is still not clear and still being assesed. PML-N in Punjab certainly lost to PTI in rural areas also while in Sindh PPP still kept its electable's . One thing is certainly clear that the urban youth and progressive elements fed up of the past heavily voted for PTI.
Pakistan’s muddle class is less than 10%; and PTI won arond 45% of the votes. It is actually the young who are the biggest % of population who have made the difference. The young are more internet connected and hence share different views and hence can THINK.
No doubt Imran Khan rhetoric of corruption ultimate played important role but without conviction in Nab cases it was not possible to topple PML(N) in this election.
Pakistan is now mostly urban. PPP and PML have not developed urban governance-and hence local economies and people can see that. The fact PTI, didn't get landslide is because of "electibles;" and because of those who chose not to vote at all. If Imran Khan can change the trend, Pakistan will not have the weak democracy in US today.
In the US, both parties are very close;yet those who don't vote are almost the same as combined number of voters for both parties.
Beautiful analysis....Mirages don't last long...! Democracy of electables is mere illusion...!
A good analysis. Governing a nation like Pak is a work of art. Imran Khan to take many odds along with, had to budge by pressure groups, had to compromise to PPP, and had to favor some sinners of corruption. The grey area will certainly remain during IK era, no policy of targeting or revenge, but simultaneously had to keep the establishment satisfied by following footsteps of the powerful institutions, and last but not least to keep excellent relations with judiciary. More profitable amnesties, on repatriation of dollars to Pak can pay.
The whole article is is about middle class in "not" "but" "not organized" but "alternative" agree disagree. Middle class did not, and middle class did.