PAKISTAN’S governance crisis is fundamentally institutional rather than geographical.
While the creation of new provinces may address certain concerns relating to regional identity, representation, and administrative reach, it cannot by itself remedy systemic deficiencies in governance. Without meaningful institutional reform, decentralisation, and fiscal planning, new provinces risk reproducing existing problems at a greater administrative and financial cost.
Modern federal democracies increasingly function through a three-tier system of governance, in which constitutional authority is distributed among the federal government, provincial governments and elected local governments. The rationale is both democratic and practical; decisions should be taken at the lowest level capable of addressing them effectively.
National defence and foreign affairs belong to the federation, provincial policy belongs to the provinces while matters such as municipal services, sanitation, local infrastructure and community development are most effectively managed by local governments. This principle of democratic decentralisation ensures that government remains closer, more responsive and more accountable to the people.
Pakistan’s Constitution already embraces this model. Article 140A requires provinces to establish local governments and devolve political, administrative and financial responsibility to elected local representatives.
In other words, the Constitution already provides a mechanism for bringing government closer to the people. The challenge, therefore, is not the absence of a constitutional framework but the failure to implement it meaningfully.
Unfortunately, Pakistan’s experience has often been the opposite. Local governments have frequently been weakened, dissolved or deprived of meaningful financial autonomy, while development funds and administrative authority remain concentrated at the provincial level.
This is, in part, a consequence of the political incentive structure within provincial governance. Meaningful devolution inevitably reduces the concentration of power, resources and political visibility enjoyed by the provincial leadership, creating little incentive to transfer genuine authority to local institutions.
The consequence is a constitutional distortion. Members of the provincial assemblies, instead of focusing on legislation, policy formulation, executive oversight and public finance, increasingly involve themselves in roads, schools, local development schemes and other matters of municipal administration.
Legislators are elected to make laws and hold the executive accountable, not to perform functions that properly belong to elected local governments. When legislative institutions assume executive responsibilities, both governance and lawmaking suffer.
The question is whether good governance will be achieved by creating more provinces or by strengthening the institutions that already exist.
Before creating additional provinces, Pakistan must therefore ask why the existing constitutional model of local government has not been fully implemented. If governance is the primary objective, strengthening local governments may prove to be a more effective and less costly reform than creating entirely new provincial structures.
Another aspect that merits consideration is the financial implications of creating new provinces. A province is not merely a new chief minister and provincial assembly. It requires a complete governmental framework, including a high court, provincial secretariat, public service institutions, tax authorities, police administration, regulatory bodies, specialised departments and thousands of public servants. These institutions create permanent financial obligations in terms of salaries, pensions, infrastructure and operational costs.
The question is not whether Pakistan can create new provinces. It can. The question is whether the anticipated governance benefits justify the substantial administrative and financial costs.
Another important consideration is economic sustainability. Many proposed provinces, particularly less industrialised regions, possess significant agricultural potential but limited industrial and service-sector capacity. Without a diversified economic base, newly created provinces may remain heavily dependent on federal transfers for their survival. Therefore, any restructuring of provincial boundaries must be preceded by serious fiscal analysis.
This is not an argument against creating new provinces. It is an argument that constitutional restructuring must be accompanied by institutional and financial planning.
The identity dimension of this debate must also not be forgotten. For many communities, demands for new provinces are not only about administration but also about recognition, representation and political inclusion. Historical regions such as Bahawalpur and Hazara have long sought acknowledgment of their distinct identities. Such aspirations cannot simply be dismissed.
However, political representation must translate into actual improvement in the lives of citizens. Creating new provinces may provide opportunities for regional leadership and address feelings of exclusion, but changing boundaries alone cannot resolve deeper issues of governance, economic opportunity, institutional capacity and public service delivery.
Pakistan’s governance challenges require a comprehensive approach. Strong local governments, professional civil services, transparent administration, fiscal responsibility and constitutional continuity are the foundations of effective governance.
If, after meaningful reforms and careful fiscal assessment, parliament concludes that additional provinces are necessary, such decisions should be taken on constitutional and administrative grounds rather than political expediency.
Pakistan undoubtedly needs better governance. The question is whether that objective will be achieved by creating more provinces or by strengthening the institutions that already exist.
The problems undermining governance are not merely products of geography. Before redrawing the map, we should first reform the machinery that governs it.
The writer is a practising lawyer based in Lahore.
Published in Dawn, August 9th, 2026
