IN recent times, the liberated and much-buoyed Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) has filled the air with demands for an election as early as Dec 2025. According to the decision of the Interim Government, the election was originally scheduled for April 2026. However, a recent meeting held in London between Prof. Yunus, the Chief Adviser to the Interim Government, and Tarek Rahman, the Acting Chairman of the BNP, has resulted in a proposed date of Feb 2026.

Other major political parties, such as Jamaat-e-Islami, are more flexible—they prefer an election a little later, in June 2026. To appreciate the “expectations” regarding the IG, it is helpful to explore the backdrop against which, and the processes through which, governments are formed—and the expectations those processes generate.

Processes of govt formation

Broadly speaking, governments are formed in two ways—constitutional and circumstantial. We all know that constitutional governments, formed through regular electoral processes, are expected to implement pre-election pledges. By contrast, circumstantial governments, born of unique events such as revolutions or uprisings, are not tied to predetermined pledges. Instead, such governments are installed to fulfil the aspirations of those who steer the change and install them.

A ‘circumstantial’ govt

The Yunus-led Interim Government is a circumstantial government—a product of an uprising. It does not have a predetermined mandate to implement. Rather, the aspirations of those who led the uprising shaped a vision to prepare Bangladesh for a journey from autocracy to democracy, and from kleptocracy to a corruption-free, “better Bangladesh.”

The IG has since commissioned and produced several reform reports. If implemented properly, these reports/proposals have the potential to strengthen democratic practices—ensuring free and fair elections, greater gender-inclusive participation in the legislature and governance, improved transparency and accountability, and reduced corruption in the public sector.

In this regard, it is important to remember that reform proposals are part of the process—not the end goal. It is the IG’s responsibility either to implement all the agreed reforms or at least those with the potential to trigger broader transformation.

As for fulfilling the uprising’s aspirations, the good news is that the IG has already initiated trials of leaders of the deposed government, including former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, on charges of crimes against humanity and corruption. However, its progress in creating conditions that would help Bangladesh transition to a moral, abuse-free, and corruption-free state remains unclear and largely out of sight.

Reform to keep crooks out

Whether the election is held in February or June 2026, it is imperative that the IG is preparing for it. It is also legitimate to expect that the IG will ensure a free, fair, and competitive election. But would a free and fair election alone guarantee a transition to a corruption-free society—especially if political parties and politicians, who are the future custodians of governance, are not composed of individuals of integrity and merit? Certainly not.

Published in Dawn, June 23rd, 2025