JUST when things were looking up for Theresa May, she got mugged by the past. Specifically, her Tory government got tripped up by its nasty anti-immigrant policy that sought to deport thousands of West Indians who had arrived in the UK in the late ‘40s and ‘50s. These migrants from the Caribbean had responded to an appeal from Westminster to help rebuild a war-ravaged Britain. Known by the name of the ship that transported the first contingent in 1948, the Windrush generation struck a chord in the UK.

So when it was revealed that the home office was targeting these early migrants for deportation, the public rose up in their support, and has roundly condemned the government. The irony here is that when they first arrived in Britain, these West Indians were British subjects as their islands were granted freedom from the Crown in the early ‘60s. The problem was that since these migrants rightly believed that they were in the United Kingdom legally, they did not imagine they needed any proof of citizenship, such as a passport. They simply worked, bought houses, paid taxes and brought up families, just like any law-abiding citizens.

However, when the Tories came to power in 2010, and Theresa May became home secretary, the government decided to crack down on illegal immigration; the Windrush generation seemed like an easy target. May set out to create a “hostile environment for immigrants”, and home office staff dealing with immigration were encouraged to reject as many applications for nationality as possible. They continue to carry out this policy with unconcealed enthusiasm today.

Many of the Windrush generation have seen their lives ruined as they have been deported, thus losing their families, homes and pensions. After this scandal became public, a shame-faced Amber Rudd, the present home secretary, and Theresa May have apologised, attempting to pass the blame to home office staff, as though the two politicians had nothing to do with the policy. But the presence of 12 prime ministers from the Caribbean in London for the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) has added pressure on the government to redress the pain it has caused.

May, of course, is mortified that instead of being in the spotlight during CHOGM, she has to address an issue that she thought was long dead and buried. But history has a habit of coming back to bite politicians in the rear. The point here is that most of the disenfranchised Windrush generation were young children when they first arrived by sea with their parents. Their only home is the UK, and for them to be deported to the West Indies for not possessing the right documents is unduly harsh, even by Tory standards.

Earlier, landing slips that established the arrival dates of individual passengers had been destroyed by the Home Office, depriving West Indian migrants of the proof that had been earlier accepted. Officials refused to admit salary and tax documents, and new laws calling for employers to check the legal status of their staff meant that many were sacked for being unable to establish their British nationality. Medical treatment of others was halted by the NHS, while several were evicted from rented accommodation.

While the PM has been forced to apologise for the pain the government has caused, it is clear that it was not the result of some low-level snafu. Basically, the “hostile environment” policy has been at the heart of the Tory attitude towards immigrants. Back in 2013 when she was home secretary, May said: “We can deport first and hear appeals later.” This cold-blooded approach has continued to provide the guidelines for home office staff as they deal with applications. According to The Guardian, around half of all home office rejections are overturned on appeal. But hiring a lawyer to appeal is very expensive, and the fees charged by the home office to process an application is prohibitive.

Watching this treatment of legal migrants unfold are some three million EU citizens living, working and studying in the UK. They fear that once it exits the EU, their rights will no longer be protected. The current position of the government is that EU citizens will have to register themselves with the home office, and will then be granted permanent resident status. However, in the wake of the Windrush scandal, this promise now seems quite hollow. This concern is now being echoed in European capitals, and will no doubt come under intense discussion in future Brexit talks.

Currently, home office staff is viewed as being too incompetent to process the millions of EU applications that will flood in once Brexit kicks in early next year. And while most of the people of the Windrush generation whose lives have been disrupted will be allowed back and — if we are to believe May — compensated, other applicants are still being treated like criminals.

Already, there is much talk about labour shortages arising from Brexit. Farm workers, in particular, will be in short supply as temporary workers from East Europe no longer will be able to travel to British farms for temporary labour that involves picking fruit and vegetables in the summer. Farmers who voted for Brexit are now wondering if they made a mistake.

Migration has divided the country as few other issues have. And it is true that growing numbers of people from East Europe and the developing world are trying to enter the UK legally or illegally. In part, this is due to the perception that Britain is a tolerant, generous country whose social benefits act as a safety net for the poor and the vulnerable. The language is another attraction for many who would like to learn English.

But with the Tory policy of a hostile environment for immigrants, all this is about to change.

irfan.husain@gmail.com

Published in Dawn, April 23rd, 2018