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THE annual party conference is a peculiarly British event. At this time of the year, all the major political parties gather in a city for three days to listen to speeches by senior figures, be informed of the party’s finances and future policies, and interact with the hundreds of delegates from across the country. Proceedings are televised, and widely covered in the rest of the media.
More often than not, these are fairly dull events designed principally to motivate and energise the party faithful. But this year’s Labour Party Conference in Brighton had the buzz of a music festival with Jeremy Corbyn, the party’s leader, being welcomed to the stage like a major pop star. His long speech was interrupted countless times with wild applause and standing ovations. Other politicians — especially those in the Conservative Party — who were watching the proceedings must have turned green with envy.
Once dismissed as a marginal, radical figure on Labour’s most leftist fringe, Corbyn has been transformed into a credible future prime minister. Just a year ago, he was facing a poisonous challenge from senior figures in his own party; now, these very same politicians are fawning over him, desperate to prove their loyalty. Many Blairite Labour members who once opposed Corbyn tooth and nail, and even resigned their positions in the shadow cabinet, now fear losing their nominations at the next election due to mounting pressure from Corbyn’s army of young left-wing radicals.
Although the next general election is not due until 2022, there is every indication that the Conservative Party may well implode long before that. If the battle for succession triggered by the PM’s possible downfall turns really nasty, fresh elections could well be called.
Following on the heels of the Labour jamboree came the Conservative conference where Theresa May hoped to revive her political fortunes with a stirring speech. Unfortunately for her, a bad cold and sporadic coughing fits did not help. A prankster’s surprise appearance with a termination slip for the PM reduced the proceedings to a farce. The media is now abuzz with speculation over how long May can carry on after this overt display of weakness.
What is keeping her in office, if not in power, is the fear that a fresh general election triggered by her exit from Downing Street could well bring Labour to power. Already, Corbyn is being discussed in the media as a distinct possibility for the top job. And increasingly, he is acting more prime ministerial. Until recently, even left-wing publications like The Guardian were urging him to tone down his talk of re-nationalisation of the railways and the utilities. Because of his strong socialist views, he had been written off as a serious contender for power. So much so that right-wing pundits were rubbing their hands in glee at the prospect of an election campaign in which Labour would be led by Corbyn.
But the snap poll called last June, precisely because of this negative perception of the Labour leader, saw an energised Corbyn travelling across the country, addressing numerous rallies every day, garnering support among the young as no recent politician has done. The result is that the Labour membership has now swollen to 600,000, making it the biggest political party in Europe. Its coffers are full, and Labour is well-prepared to take on the Conservatives, should early elections be called. Their prospects have been boosted by a recent public opinion poll published by The Times that indicates a seismic shift in attitudes: 83 per cent now favour public ownership of water companies; 77pc want electricity to be controlled by the government; and 76pc want a return of the railways to state control.
The fact that half the respondents even want banks to be nationalised indicates the long-term damage done to public trust and confidence in large corporations and high-flying executives. The shadow of the 2008 banking crash and the accompanying recession has darkened the lustre of globalisation as an economic model. The greed exhibited by bankers and hedge fund managers has repulsed and infuriated the millions struggling to make ends meet. Brexit has added to the sense of economic malaise stalking the land: within a year, Britain has dropped from the top to the bottom of the G7 in terms of growth.
This perception of unfairness feeds into the Labour narrative of the Conservatives being the party of the rich, and strengthens the appeal of Corbyn’s slogan: “For the many, not the few.” And the sight of him travelling around the country by train instead of a private jet as May does enhances his standing as a man of the people. In his recent conference speech, he said that Labour now represented the centre ground; he is not far wrong as the recent Times poll indicates.
In terms of foreign policy, Corbyn wants to cut Britain’s servile ties to the US; stop supplying arms to Saudi Arabia and to any other country committing gross human rights abuses; offer more support to the Palestinian aspirations for an independent state; and a halt to foreign military interventions. Clearly, he is not compromising on his long-held positions just to get power.
The success or failure of the Brexit talks holds the key to the future of British politics: if May obtains a favourable outcome, she will be safe until the next elections. But, as seems more likely, Britain exits the EU negotiations empty-handed, the knives will be out for the PM. The Tories are ruthless with weakened leaders.
Published in Dawn, October 9th, 2017
