PAST PRESENT: Identity Crisis

Published November 15, 2008

In a quest for identity, society or individuals generally look at their history. This is because we all find our roots in the past and history is the custodian and repository of our heritage.
Identity comes in many layers, and a lot depends on how much one wants to reveal. The problem of identity came into spotlight when nationalism emerged as a force by absorbing, subordinating or eliminating regional, linguistic, ethnic, and religious identities. Later, national identity became a focal point and societies became united as a nation under one umbrella.
 
In 1947, as a infant nation-state Pakistan made attempts to erase regional identities and build a nation on the basis of Pakistani nationalism. However, it soon ran into problems as the state of Pakistan was quite new, but provinces were historically very old and had strong roots in their regional identity which they were not prepared to abandon. This created a conflict between regional and national identities which led to political and social confusion.
Sindh, for example, came with its unique identity and history was disrupted from time to time by political consequences and as a result of changing borders. However, it maintained its separate entity even when it was conquered by the Sultan of Delhi or the Mughals. Sindh lost its independent status when it was conquered by the British in 1843 and was attached to the Bombay Presidency.
 
In 1937, the province retrieved its autonomous powers and became a province of the Raj. During the colonial period, it strengthened its separate identity based on language and history.
 
A significant aspect for the history of Sindh was the excavation of Mohenjodaro in 1920s which amazed the world with its progressive civilisation and culture. Historically, Sindh appeared on the map of world history courtesy the Indus Valley Civilisation. In the 1930s, Sindh Historical Society played an important role to construct the history of the province on a secular basis since its membership included Hindus, Muslims, and Christians. They held regular meetings in which research papers were presented for discussion. The Sindh Historical Journal published thoroughly-researched articles on various aspects of the province's history. This was the beginning of modern historiography of Sindh.
 
Perhaps, inspired by the Sindh Historical Society or to counter it, the Muslim community of Sindh established Sindhi Muslim Adabi Society in order to determine separate consciousness of Muslim identity. It published five volumes of the history of Sindh beginning from ancient period to the Mughals.
 
 The problem of historiography of Sindh  is that it was written under the influence  of politics, and therefore, served the  political interest of the elite. Therefore,  it recognises the domination of upper  classes and submission of ordinary people.
 
When the Indian political parties mobilised communal sentiments of the people during the 1930s, Sindh emerged as an important player in the conflict. In order to glorify Muslim conquerors, some Muslim historians presented Muhammad Bin Qasim as a hero, who defeated Raja Dahir and brought Islam to the people of Sindh. On this basis it was declared Bab-al-Islam. This was the beginning of Islamisation of history of Sindh. The pride of Mohenjodaro relegated to the background.
 
The selection of Sindh as Bab al Islam is interesting because in reality the first arrivals from the Arab world were the traders who came to South India and soon integrated with the local culture. Their arrival and the consequent introduction of Islam to South India did not appeal to  Muslim historians since they were not conquerors but traders. Typically, heroes are always sought among warriors and not in peaceful communities.
 
After partition, Sindh again suffered in terms of its identity. As per government policy, nation-building was focused on, instead of preserving regional identity. At this juncture, Sindhi Adabi Board played an important role to reconstruct the history of Sindh from a fresh perspective and strengthen its regional identity.
 
In 1955, One Unit was declared which united the four provinces of West Pakistan, a move greatly resented by the people of Sindh since it absorbed the province in a larger unit, as was the case with the Bombay Presidency. This weakened its regional identity.
 
In response, a nationalist movement emerged in Sindh which was led by Sindhi intellectuals. G.M. Sayyid's book Sindh ja surma (Heroes of Sindh) brought a fresh and radical interpretation to the history of Sindh. He challenged Muhammad Bin Qasim's status as a hero and called him an aggressor and a representative of the Umayyad imperialism. On the other hand, Raja Dahir became a hero because he defended his country. This gave birth to a new premise of history writing, which was written with a rhythm of a hero and traitor. A nationalist movement needs such history to solidify loyalty to the national cause and condemn all those who betray it. In this case, this new interpretation inspired young people giving them a cause to fight.
 
The problem of historiography of Sindh is that it was written under the influence of politics, and therefore, served the political interest of the elite. Whenever history is written in the context of heroes, it undermines the role of people. Heroes demand unflinching loyalty and obedience from people. Therefore, such a history recognises the domination of upper classes and submission of ordinary people.
 
So far, the history of Sindh is narrated with reference to power dynasties who ruled the country and their struggle for control. Common people were excluded from such narratives, subsequently narrowing down the historical outlook.
 
There is a need to write history from a different angle, and make efforts to highlight the social and cultural history of people. Only then would a solid identity of Sindh emerge.

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