PAKISTAN was the first Muslim country to recognise the People’s Republic of China (PRC), with the two countries establishing diplomatic ties on May 21, 1951. During the past 75 years, the relationship has blossomed into an “all-weather strategic cooperative partnership.” During the 1950s and 1960s, despite being a member of Western security alliances, Pakistan helped Beijing break out of its international isolation. Islamabad’s diplomatic mediation in the early 1970s helped in the historic rapprochement between China and the United States. Reciprocally, China has supported Pakistan economically, militarily, and diplomatically, providing unwavering support for its national sovereignty, territorial integrity, and socioeconomic stability.
The PRC was established as a single-party ideological state in the Marxist-Leninist tradition. Under the British legacy, Pakistan established a federal state and Westminster-style parliamentary democracy. These governance structures have led to divergence in the modernisation trajectories of the two countries, despite the adoption of similar reform policies.
Both China and Pakistan have attempted to resolve the issue of inequitable distribution of agricultural land. The Communist Party of China (CPC) solved the problem by distributing land titles to 300 million peasants using radical measures. Despite possessing less than 10 per cent of the world’s arable land, China produces about 25pc of global grain output. In Pakistan, landlords undermined all attempts at land reforms by falsifying records. Currently, 67pc rural households in Pakistan own no land. Despite having the world’s largest contiguous canal system, Pakistan is ranked 106 out of 123 countries in the Global Hunger Index.
The ideal of women’s emancipation has been pursued by both China and Pakistan. Starting with the Marriage Law of 1950, China has passed nearly 100 laws and regulations, including the landmark Law on the Protection of Rights and Interests of Women 1992. Today China, at 65pc, is ahead of the global average in female labour force participation. Traditionally, family life in Pakistan has been ruled by feudal and tribal customs, colonial-era personal laws, and religious precepts. Pakistan promulgated the Muslim Family Laws Ordinance 1961 but conditions in rural areas remained unchanged. In the Global Gender Gap Index of the World Economic Forum, Pakistan ranks at the very bottom: 148 out of 148 countries.
In China, modernisation emerged as one of the central purposes of the state.
Soviet-style five-year plans have been used by both China and Pakistan. Since 1953, China has successfully completed 15 five-year plans. In the process it has been transformed from a subsistence agricultural economy into the largest manufacturing power, the biggest exporter, and the only country in history to achieve a trade surplus of one trillion dollars. Pakistan has implemented eight five-year plans but only the second plan (1960-65) succeeded in achieving its targets. Pakistan discontinued the practice in 1998. Slow growth in the last two decades has pushed Pakistan below its South Asian neighbours in per capita GDP. The country runs an annual trade deficit of around $30 billion and Pakistan has received more assistance packages from the International Monetary Fund than any other country.
Similar modernisation measures producing dissimilar outcomes is the result of differences in political ideology, structure of the state, and form of government of China and Pakistan.
From the British, Pakistan inherited the tradition of liberalism where the state exists primarily to protect individual rights and private property. It is not an instrument to achieve national goals. Socialism distinguishes between different modes of production and the state is an agent of progress. In China, modernisation emerged as one of the central purposes of the state and the supreme responsibility of the party. Political debates in Pakistan remain confined to changes of government. In Pakistan, modernisation never became the topic of political debate and state resources have never been marshalled to achieve it.
In China, the CPC solved the problem of lack of state institutions by building party network. Fusion of the party and the state meant that the party’s directives and policies were seamlessly translated into state legislation and administrative action. The party-state model has proved to be the perfect strategy for building modern bureaucracy. Pakistan inherited the colonial-era civil service but nepotism and patronage gradually eroded its essence of impersonality, specialisation, and merit. With every political government the capacity of the state declined, rendering it incapable of maintaining security, collecting taxes, and enforcing policies.
Pakistan adopted multiparty adult franchise democracy but the society had no tradition of resolution of differences through rational discourse, no common civic public good, and no equality. Inevitably, Pakistan’s democracy morphed into demagoguery and populism. The communists enshrined in the Chinese constitution the CPC’s leadership as a foundational pillar of the Chinese state. This allows the ruling party to focus on governance. While Pakistan’s political institutions have pushed the country ever deeper into crises, the combination of progressive ideology, appropriate state model, and correct governance system has allowed China to focus on the grand project of national rejuvenation.
For developing countries, the universal lesson is that modernisation is not possible without an effective state but not all state types are equal in their capacity. The Westphalian state model and universal-franchise democracy, when adopted by non-Western societies, do not necessarily result in a functional state and a stable government. To be effective, a state and its governance system must align with local conditions and be in harmony with society’s stage of evolution. Without an effective state machinery, even the most elaborate modernisation plans can neither foster sustainable development nor secure a happy and prosperous life for the people.
The writer has a background in public administration. He has worked with international financial institutions, including the World Bank.
Published in Dawn, November 14th, 2026
