THE country barely survived the trailer; now, it appears, a full five-year show has been penned for PDM 2.0. There is little that can be considered new or improved, and there are very few changes in the cast: the PML-N will once again take the lead under Shehbaz Sharif, with the PPP content with reprising its supporting role.
There will be the usual favourites — parties that were first herded into the PTI government, and then into the PDM: MQM, PML-Q and BAP, as well as familiar faces from the IPP. The directors will continue calling the shots, especially on critical matters like the economy and foreign affairs.
Their ‘backing’ will be the glue that holds the rickety government together, with legislation likely to be reduced to an on-demand farce. This ragtag bunch of ‘patriotic’ politicians will soon resume their mission of ‘saving’ Pakistan, despite making a hash of it the first time around.
It will be grating not only to PTI sympathisers, who voted for change, but also PML-N supporters how this arrangement has come to pass. The latter were told that these elections would usher in Nawaz Sharif’s fourth term as PM. Instead, it seems like his party ended up using his name and stature to strengthen another candidate’s hand.
Mr Sharif may have had an idea he was not the ‘preferred choice’, which could be why he did not campaign as aggressively as he was expected to. The manner in which his victory in this election was announced also seemed designed to put him in a corner. It is puzzling, though, why the seasoned politician did not refuse to play once it became clear he was being manipulated.
His decision to, instead, give the government to Shehbaz Sharif was a sad reminder of all that he had achieved and was made to lose over his career. Still, he has ensured that his daughter will get a head start. The Sharifs have deemed Maryam Nawaz ready to take over as Punjab chief minister— a major responsibility. It remains to be seen how successful she is in regaining lost ground.
Meanwhile, the PPP has emerged as the most astute of the lot. It is likely to secure several constitutional posts despite refusing to carry the PML-N’s baggage.
The other parties will also be accommodated, most likely through various ministries: the PDM’s last term, too, had featured an obscenely bloated cabinet. But how will the alliance address the country’s challenges this time around?
It will not be easy to tackle economic despair, social fragmentation, deep political polarisation and having to please allies while governing with a dubious mandate. Another big challenge will be to demonstrate some stability to international lenders. Has it learned from experience, and will it do a better job?
Published in Dawn, February 15th, 2024
