THE participation of individuals linked to the proscribed TLP in the cantonment board elections has again brought up questions about the fallacy of the government decision to ban the ultra-right party. Reports say that the TLP has fielded 84 men in KP, Punjab and Sindh. Although these men are in the run as independent candidates, they don’t try to hide their affiliation with the TLP. Almost all of them are contesting on their party’s election symbol to make it easier for TLP supporters to identify them on polling day, making a mockery of the decision outlawing the outfit under antiterrorism laws. This development brings to mind similar decisions made in the past to rein in certain out-of-control militant groups that had at first been cultivated by the state. There is hardly any instance where such administrative decisions were followed up to get the ‘banned’ outfits disqualified by the Supreme Court as required.

The TLP case is no different as admitted by the information minister when he said only the apex court can disqualify (and bar a registered) political party from contesting elections. That means the ECP cannot stop a party or people connected with it from participating in elections. That the government is unwilling to take the TLP case to court for an injunction against it indicates that it doesn’t have evidence of its involvement in terrorism to get it disqualified. Or is it second-guessing its own decision, which many consider a knee-jerk response to its inability to prevent TLP from wreaking havoc on people’s life and property? Despite its tendencies to perpetrate violence, the TLP is a political party, registered with the ECP and with representation in the Sindh Assembly. Thus, it is important that the government explain the reasons for categorising the outfit as a terrorist entity. If the authorities have evidence to support their action, they should follow it up by filing a reference against the TLP and its leadership in the top court. If they don’t, the ‘administrative’ ban on the party should be lifted. As far as acts of violence by party leaders and activists are concerned, and if they are receiving illegal funds, the authorities should pursue legal and administrative actions to punish those involved. Previous such experiences with organisations like the Sipah-i-Sahaba Pakistan shows that ‘administrative bans’ are no more than an acknowledgment by the government of its lack of will to take tough decisions to tackle radical groups.

Published in Dawn, September 12th, 2021