SO much has happened under the command of the wily politicians. So much has been lost... Territory, credibility; a whole party has gone to waste. It is quite remarkable that the same politicians who have been proven to be so incapable of moving with the popular tide are still considered to be masters at the craft of politics. This seems so very artificial.

Recently, Pakistanis have been embarrassed by their lack of knowledge about terms like railu katta. Now, they are being exposed to the sights and sounds spawned by what is being (erroneously) dubbed as noora kushti — literally fixed wresting bouts.

This one supposedly locks the likes of Asif Zardari — who pretty much has a party behind him — and Mian Muhammad Nawaz Sharif — the gentleman who could well go on to win another term in the not too distant future, the apex court and some other powers permitting.

These days, Mr Zardari is once again indulging in his favourite pastime. He is on yet another one of his expeditions to Punjab, putting his customary wide grin on show in a display that is suspected by sections to have been arranged to favour his ‘partner’ Mr Sharif.

A PPP with far greater credibility than this Zardari outfit was contained and kept out of the government in the past. Is a repeat possible now?

There is, of course, some evidence to support this contention. Certain politicians belonging to PPP — until recently facing corruption charges — have been let out, many of them on bail. This is easily construed, by the otherwise rather subdued PTI chief Imran Khan and a host of willing commentators, as part of some deal. So great is the force of their conviction that they are ready to ignore factors staring them in the face in order to rush to a conclusion of their choice.

Mr Zardari has a reputation that allows him to adapt to the most imaginative of scenarios built around him. The question, however, is: what does he have to offer Mian Sahib that would win him such a generous deal with the PML-N leadership? It will take time to solve this puzzle, and one would be surprised if a real formula vindicating the partnership conclusion is somehow found.

If the idea is that Mr Zardari’s latest campaign in Punjab is to (by comparison) highlight the virtues of PML-N, the analysis suffers from an undue and totally unnecessary reliance on the past. The comparison was useful only during the time when the people of Lahore and Punjab had no option other than PPP or PML-N. It is no longer relevant, and the idea that the public sparring is in some way detrimental to Mr Khan’s chances in Punjab or the whole of Pakistan is hard to prove.

Indeed, there are factors that could increase PML-N’s lead over PTI, but the idea that any kind of PPP comeback in Punjab would cost PTI is debatable. To the contrary, it is easier to concede that any public impression that PPP and PML-N were on one page over how to fight the next election would be to PTI’s advantage — once again, so much depending on the court ruling in the Panama case.

Sindh may be different, but to think that Mr Sharif in some pre-election generosity is not aware of the possibilities in that province would amount to failing to recognise a talent who has shone at the top level of politics since the early 1980s. PPP may be strong in Sindh, with all its alliances and its old appeal, but please remember that a PPP with far greater credibility than this Zardari outfit was contained and kept out of the government in the past. What’s the harm in exploring the territory to find out if a repeat is possible now?

Sindh is, by and large, a province hidden behind a pile of mirages. The distant view of the province is blocked by images regularly flashed by the media — of the garbage collected in the ungovernable Karachi, of MQM’s proliferation and of saeens merrily taken to task with little concern for ethnic sensibilities. But, amidst this stockpile — and that is an impression admittedly formed at a distance — there are voices that speak out from the sheer discomfort of having backed PPP for so long. They talk of small networks here and there in the face of the grand alliance of influential families Mr Zardari has surrounded himself with for safety. They put emphasis on these small partnerships and wait to see how far these can last against the long-dominant PPP.

This was no noora kushti by Mr Sharif in Hyderabad. This was a genuine punch at where it could hurt a PPP now vulnerable to PML-N’s development advances. Only a naive natural opponent would deny trying out their luck against a PPP that is bombarded daily with criticisms over its government’s handling of its home province. The party can offer little in defence other than playing the victim card and perhaps promising an improved showing the next time around. At least this is the impression that is conveyed across the length and breadth of the country, especially in Punjab, or otherwise there could have been greater purpose and excitement about the work undertaken for PPP’s reorganisation here.

There’s little positive that has come PPP’s way so far in Punjab, despite Mr Zardari’s best efforts. To top it all, he has to find a way of dispelling the (wrongly held) belief that he’s playing second fiddle to Mr Sharif. Unless he wants to risk allowing PML-N to go deep in Sindh to prove the genuineness of its old, original gripe against PPP.

One is never sure with the games these politicians — including those rated the subtlest among them — may be up to. One fact stands out though. Whereas the losers in a match may end up winning some sympathy, there is no greater ignominy than the defeat reserved for those who agree to go down in a fixed contest.

The writer is Dawn’s resident editor in Lahore.

Published in Dawn, March 31st, 2017