THE use of drones to target combatants in the north-west has for years generated strong controversy in Pakistan. Not only are drone attacks seen as violating the country’s territorial sovereignty, it has also been observed that in several ways they do more harm than good. There is room, therefore, to voice regret that in the United States, the debate over their legality and efficacy has only gained widespread attention after questions started being asked about the issue of American civilians being targeted by drones. Now, with UN Special Rapporteur Ben Emmerson concluding on Friday that drone strikes violate Pakistan’s sovereignty, there seems to be a strong argument for bringing the drone programme in Pakistan — as it is currently carried out — to a halt. Having been in the country to investigate the effect on civilians of drone strikes and other forms of targeted killings in the context of counterterrorism operations, he said that the drone war “involves the use of force on the territory of another state without its consent and therefore a violation of Pakistan’s sovereignty”.

The key element here is that of consent. In earlier years, there was the general perception that Pakistan was involved in the programme and that it was being conducted with the tacit, even if not active, consent of domestic authorities. Indeed, in 2010 the then prime minister, Yousuf Raza Gilani, had stated that the US had been allowed to use drones for reconnaissance during the Musharraf years. In recent times, though, Pakistani cooperation and consent no longer seems to be a feature of the programme. Unless this is forthcoming — and unless the US seeks it — in the wake of Mr Emmerson’s findings, the strikes need to cease. Not only is there the matter of the deaths of non-combatant civilians, in the face of stony silence from domestic authorities, drone attacks fuel public anger. However, given that the technology has proved useful in several cases, especially in areas where the penetration of the military is unavoidably low, a more productive way forward might be coordination and cooperation.

Opinion

In defamation’s name

In defamation’s name

It provides yet more proof that the undergirding logic of public authority in Pakistan is legal and extra-legal coercion rather than legitimised consent.

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