IN the past, while most elected governments would at least publicly bristle at the mention of being partners in power with the establishment, things have changed. Now, government representatives have embraced the ‘hybrid model’, claiming that it is leading Pakistan into a glorious new future. Defence Minister Khawaja Asif has tweeted that the “existing hybrid model of governance” is bringing “revolutionary changes”. Moreover, while talking to Arab News, and in the context of President Donald Trump’s recent working lunch with Pakistan’s army chief, Mr Asif told the Saudi publication that while the hybrid system is not “an ideal democratic government”, it is still “doing wonders”, adding that the model should have been adopted in the 1990s.

The fact is that apart from periods of direct military rule, the establishment has tried to exercise its influence over elected governments from behind the scenes as well — with mixed results. For example, when differences between the civil and military components of the state ballooned out of control, the establishment used constitutional instruments, such as the now discarded Article 58-2(b), to send elected governments packing. Other methods have also been employed, such as court cases and no-confidence votes, to destabilise governments. In the recent past, critics had justifiably described the Imran Khan government as a hybrid set-up. While in power, Mr Khan himself said he enjoyed “an excellent relationship” with the military. But Mr Asif’s effusive commentary goes even further, embracing hybridity with full force, though he did express the hope that Pakistan would “one day” have the “sort of democracy which is needed”. The truth is that unless all pillars of the state stay within their constitutional bounds, Pakistan will not see an ideal democracy, as politicians continue to cede powers that are the sole domain of parliament and the cabinet to others.

While the military’s input is essential in matters of defence and security, particularly through the National Security Committee and past governments have listened to the establishment on crucial issues, inviting non-political forces to have the dominant say in key governance issues, such as the economy, foreign policy and even internal politics, does not sit well with the constitutional scheme of things. Though many have tinkered with the Constitution, the vision of the founding fathers, as well as the original 1973 document, was clear: a polity led by elected civilians and answerable to the people. Any diversion from this vision would distort Pakistan’s foundational ideology, and constitutional parameters. Proponents of the hybrid model should consider that every military ruler had to eventually give power back to the civilians. Both the prime minister and military must clarify whether Mr Asif was expressing his personal opinion, or if hybridity will now officially be seen as the new normal.

Published in Dawn, June 22nd, 2025