Policing urban violence

Published April 8, 2014

WHILE political, ethnic, religious and socio-economic tensions contribute to conflicts, escalating urban violence is largely a product of poor governance, inappropriate security policies and neglected police reforms.

This is the crux of a recent report by the Brussels-based International Crisis Group (ICG). “The police are demoralised and paralysed by political interference, and a lack of adequate resources and political support,” says Samina Ahmed, ICG’s South Asia project director. “But they could become effective if properly authorised and given institutional and operational autonomy.”

The recommendations are timely and deserve immediate attention at the federal, provincial and district levels of government. Similarly, the legislature, executive and judiciary must not only contribute to improving governance but also display a vision for ensuring that the criminal justice system upholds the rule of law by encouraging police officers, prosecutors and judges who are honest and efficient. This may entail massive purges to weed out the corrupt and the callous.

Meanwhile, the Centre for Research and Security Studies has, in its recent report, identified 2013 as the worst year so far in terms of violence and terrorism in the country. Pakistan counted “11,249 people (5,697 dead and 5,552 injured) as victims of violence”, making the last year the deadliest in the decade-long fight.

Karachi lost more than 2,000 persons to targeted killings, terrorism and gang warfare last year— 373 dead bodies were discovered dumped in various parts of the city. Quetta lost 473 lives to violence last year; the majority of the victims were from the Hazara community.

Peshawar lost 423 persons to violence last year. After civilians, the second highest victims of militancy were government officials such as policemen, FC personnel, intelligence officers and soldiers. Lahore witnessed sectarian violence when a frenzied mob of nearly 3,000 people attacked a Christian population in March last year and burnt down more than 100 houses in Joseph Colony. Some prominent religious leaders were also targeted and a renowned eye specialist and his son were murdered in a brazen targeted attack.

This seemingly unstoppable spate of violence reflects poorly on the capacity and will of the state. Urban violence is still being tackled with 19th-century policing structures as well as the colonial mindset of suppressing disorder through mainly military means. One witnesses the peculiar state response of enhancing the Rangers’ role in Karachi to increasingly adopt policing functions.

Balochistan, including Quetta, have been handed over to the ragtag, tribal militia-like Levies and the FC is involved in law and order maintenance to fill the gap created by the reduction of the police’s mandate and jurisdiction.

The ICG report recommends the withdrawal of paramilitary units from policing duties and the confinement of their mandate to border areas. In the case of Sindh and Balochistan, it rightly recommends the abolition of the 1861 Police Act and the passage of a new law that “ensures operational autonomy and effectiveness” of the police. It strongly advocates abolishing the status of ‘B’ areas in Balochistan, extending the jurisdiction of the police to the entire province — as accomplished in 2007 but reversed by the then government in 2009.

The ICG has also called upon provincial governments to revamp policing in the provincial capitals by “establishing the subdivision as the basic policing unit, headed by a superintendent of police”, replacing the 19th-century policing structures that have lost credibility.

The report also calls for “improving the subdivision’s ability for rapid response and multiple actions providing adequate transport, logistical, forensic and other technical resources”. It recommends enhancing police-population ratio in the cities to one officer for every 260 residents.

It is high time Pakistan fulfilled the decision of late prime minister Benazir Bhutto in 1988 to introduce the metropolitan policing model in Karachi, Lahore, Peshawar, Quetta and Islamabad. An attempt was made through the 2002 police law to create distinct and locally recruited police services in large cities under a unified and operationally autonomous senior police command but the letter and spirit of the law have never been followed. There is an urgent need to rethink policing structures and strategies for large cities.

A new approach to be considered immediately is to adopt a problem solving-oriented policing model in large cities. Special inter-agency and joint task forces should be created to tackle terrorism, targeted killings, kidnappings for ransom, cybercrime, money laundering and terrorist financing. Professionals from different law enforcement, investigative and intelligence agencies need to work together as teams under a unified command. A concerted and unified approach will yield results.

The strength of the police lies within the community. Information collected with the rapport of the local community will lead to intelligence-based investigations. Therefore, it is crucial to have carefully selected community police officers that earn the trust and goodwill of the citizens. They will immediately know, for example, about suspicious people hiring out houses to carry out acts of terror and also monitor the activities within madressahs and educational institutions.

Finally, instead of relying on the Rangers, FC, and other civil armed forces for the maintenance of law and order, it is important that distinct, locally recruited and professionally managed metropolitan police services be created in large urban centres to curb violence and combat criminality with the community’s support. Without public trust, investments in tactical policing measures will not succeed.

A strategic vision to depoliticise the police, make it operationally autonomous and highly accountable is the only way forward.

The writer is a retired police officer.

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