Clinging to power

Published August 14, 2004

IN the death and destruction he spread among his own people, Stalin surpassed Hitler as he was in power for longer than the German dictator.

In a remarkable new biography “Stalin: The Court of the Red Tsar”, Simon Sebag Montefiore has put together a fascinating portrait of the Soviet dictator. Assembling a host of previously unavailable information, the author has had access to the newly opened Soviet archives, including Stalin’s personal papers. Montefiore has also interviewed dozens of descendants of Stalin’s inner circle.

The multidimensional picture that emerges is one of a driven man responsible for insensate cruelty on a monstrous scale, also capable of unexpected acts of kindness. Ignorant of social dynamics and the economic progress the western world was making, he had nevertheless educated himself about world history and literature through his voracious reading.

Until the very end, Stalin inspired fear among all those around him: even his closest comrades like Molotov, Malenkov and Beria who were never sure when the aging tiger would turn on them. Shortly before his death (which was probably not the result of a conspiracy, as Montefiore shows), Stalin had launched a new terror under the guise of the Doctors’ Plot’ in which he had scores of doctors tortured, killed and sent to the Gulag. The victims included his personal physician of many years who was being tortured when Stalin needed him the most.

When the dictator was struck down by a severe stroke, his guards and personal staff were terrified of approaching him. And when, hours later, the new doctors were finally summoned, they were so petrified that “their hands were trembling so much that they could not even get his shirt off”, according to an eyewitness.

Montefiore writes: “Once it was proved that he was incapacitated, Beria spewed forth his hatred of Stalin’, but whenever his eyelids flickered or his eyes opened, Beria, terrified that he would recover, knelt and kissed his hand’ like an Oriental vizier at a Sultan’s bedside.”

In many ways, Stalin is similar to other dictators. The acute paranoia, the cruelty, the cunning, the distrust of a comrade who seems to be getting too popular and powerful, and the determination to cling to power to the very end are character traits that can be found in just about every despot in history. Yasser Arafat falls into this category. Although he is not head of a state, he has exercised virtually unchecked powers over the Palestinian freedom movement since he became head of the PLO in 1969. In a sense, only Fidel Castro among contemporary rulers has wielded power longer than Arafat.

Just as Stalin was the symbol of Soviet resistance against the invincible German war machine in the Second World War, so too has Arafat stood for defiance against Israel’s implacable efforts to usurp most of Palestine. But just like Stalin, Arafat has been secretive, paranoid and manipulative.

Refusing to share power, he has played one lieutenant against another, not permitting anyone to emerge as a strong successor. Brushing aside repeated calls for accountability and openness, he has allegedly misappropriated huge amounts. His detractors talk of billions of dollars in aid funds unaccounted for.

But perhaps even more serious has been Arafat’s massive political miscalculations over the last 35 years he has been in total control of the Palestinian movement. Time and again, he has overplayed his hand. In the 1970 Black September’, he provoked King Hussein to launch a campaign to throw out the PLO from Jordan. Moving to Lebanon, his attempt to grab power in the south precipitated a civil war that drew in first Syria, and then Israel. The PLO was then driven out of Lebanon in 1982.

To Arafat’s credit, each time his movement seemed to hit rock bottom, he resurrected it and took it to greater strength. Unfortunately for the Palestinian people, this survival instinct has not resulted in any political gains. On the contrary, the longer Arafat stays on the scene, the worse their position gets.

Now 75 and clearly ailing for the last few years, it is time for Arafat to call it a day. Colleagues have been urging him to resign or retire. There have been several demonstrations against him when, just a year ago, such protests would have been unthinkable. And yet he clings to power, refusing to delegate or share power.

According to Danny Rubinstein, an Israeli political analyst: “He continues to manipulate all the people around him. He allows them to run around, to make decisions, to set up committees “ but in the end, he continues to rule, just as he did in the past.”

For Arafat, hanging on to power has become more important than breaking the deadlock with Israel. Indeed, it can be argued that if Palestine does achieve statehood, there would presumably be elections, and it is not certain that the PLO chief would win.

After a lifetime of being a freedom fighter, Arafat does not grasp the central fact that the war for Palestine will not be won or lost in the West Bank and Gaza, but in the capitals of the West, and most importantly, in the White House. It is obvious that the Arab states, apart from the occasional demonstration, will not lift a finger for the Palestinians, and nor indeed do they have any clout in Tel Aviv.

From guerilla warfare, the Palestinians have to move to propaganda warfare. In this form of struggle, Arafat is a neophyte. Years ago, a friend half-jokingly suggested that he should change his military uniform for a well-cut suit, shave off his beard and remove his holster and pistol. Perhaps that would not have been a bad idea.

The fact is that in the current global environment, any acts that smack of Islamic terrorism are politically self-defeating. And militarily, they hardly put a dent in Israel’s military might. In terms of public relations, the Palestinians are losing the war for their use of suicide bombings.

For reasons of image and strategy, the Palestinian movement is in desperate need of a change of leadership. Modern, young leaders able to speak to the West and to Israel in a non-threatening, reassuring manner are needed.

Arafat has played his role in uniting the various factions under the PLO, and has given his people a clear direction. But it is now time for him to step down before he is kicked out by his own comrades and lieutenants.

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