Moves for Afghan unity

WITH the future of the Taliban regime looking increasingly bleak, efforts are afoot to put together a new, broader-based government to take charge in post-Taliban Afghanistan. The Rome meeting on Monday was not a completely Northern Alliance show; there were, besides King Zahir Shah’s representatives, other Afghan elements — non-aligned guerrilla commanders and intellectuals. The meeting agreed to form a 120-member Supreme Council for the National Unity of Afghanistan which will be charged with the task of electing a head of state. Significantly, the move had the backing of former president Rabbani, whose regime is still recognized by the UN as Afghanistan’s legitimate government.

It is important to recall that the Northern Alliance — now re-named the United Front — consists of guerrilla groups who themselves were once at loggerheads with each other. What has united them is their common opposition to the Taliban, who dislodged them from power in 1996 and who have since controlled ninety five per cent of the country. Before that, the leaders now forming part of the United Front had failed to bring peace and stability to their country. Against the Soviet Union, their record was splendid: they fought together heroically in a decade-long struggle till the Soviets were forced to leave. But once the Russians were out of Afghanistan, the victorious Mujahideen leaders fell out among themselves. For more than half a decade, various Mujahideen factions waged a ferocious struggle for power that contributed in no small measure to Afghanistan’s further ruination. If they had the vision to accommodate each other — instead of trying to eliminate each other and monopolize power — they could have given Afghanistan peace and stability and rebuild the war-battered country. Instead, their fratricide worked to their disadvantage, and the Taliban emerged on the scene to oust them.

Since 1996, the Taliban have pushed the United Front into a corner in north-eastern Afghanistan, but they have not succeeded in completely eliminating it. The UF is not only alive; in the present context it is getting increasing attention from the US and others. However, all those interested in giving Afghanistan peace and stability should not repeat the mistake the Taliban have made. Afghanistan cannot be ruled by an exclusive club; it must have a broad-based government if it is to last. Any government consisting solely of the United Front is sure to invite resistance from other sections, especially because the defunct Northern Alliance had a preponderance of non-Pakhtoon guerilla groups. Similarly, the Taliban are preponderantly Pakhtoon — a fact which alienated the sympathies of Tajiks, Uzbeks, Hazaras and other ethnic minorities. Against this background, one should welcome the announcement from Rome that “doors will be open to all peace-loving Afghans, including Taliban.”

The absence of a broad-based government acceptable to all sections of the people has been the cause of Afghanistan’s unending sorrow. By plunging the country in a prolonged civil war, it has inflicted colossal sufferings and dislocation on the people. One hopes that the powers behind the Rome meeting would learn from Afghanistan’s history and will work for the formation of a truly representative and neutral government acceptable not only to all Afghans but to all of Afghanistan’s neighbours.

Massacre in Srinagar

THE horrifying attack on the state assembly building in Srinagar on Monday marks a serious escalation in the violence in Kashmir. Thirty-six persons were killed in the attack which began after a suicide bomber drove a car loaded with explosives to the main entrance of the heavily guarded building and blew the vehicle and himself up. In the ensuing confusion, a group of militants stormed the building and went on a shooting spree inside before being shot dead by security forces. The timing of the attack was particularly awkward for Pakistan, with the US-led anti-terrorist coalition on the brink of action in Afghanistan. Islamabad was therefore correct in promptly condemning the bombing and pointing out that it was all the more reprehensible because it was aimed at “maligning the legitimate struggle of the Kashmiri people for their right to self-determination.” Predictably, the Indians, who had been tirelessly campaigning since the Sept 11 attacks in the US to link Pakistan with terrorism in general and prime US suspect Osama bin Laden in particular, have accused Pakistan of master-minding the attack. While the militant Jaish-e-Mohammad has claimed responsibility for the incident, the main pro-independence coalition, the All Parties Hurriyat Conference, has expressed sorrow over the act in which many civilian lives were lost. The Hurriyat, however, added that the attack underlined the need to address the root cause of the Kashmir conflict. For the Indians, the timing of the attack was a godsend. New Delhi is now gleefully drawing parallels between the incidents in the US and the latest attack in Srinagar. In a sense, there are certain parallels that could be drawn between the two incidents but they are of a nature different from what the Indians want the world to believe this to be. The truth is that extreme acts in which people are willing to give their lives for a cause are provoked by an acute sense of injustice. The violence in Kashmir is fuelled by over a decade of remorseless state repression in the Valley. While terrorism must be condemned — and fought — it is also necessary to understand what provokes people into committing such desperate acts and move to end those injustices. This truth applies just as much to the World Trade Centre attacks as it does to the blood-stained streets of Srinagar.

Karo kari killings

JUDGING by the frequency with which cases of karo kari continue to happen in Sindh, it seems that the government is not serious about curbing this most heinous and reprehensible of crimes. According to figures compiled by a non-governmental organization, at least 129 people were reported killed in the name of so-called honour killing in the first six months of this year — no significant change from the figure for previous years. In at least three cases, children as young as three were the victims. During this time we have had a string of government functionaries, from ministers and judges to senior police and law enforcement officials, saying publicly that legislation against ‘honour’ killing needed to be toughened up. In fact, it was around 18 months ago that President Pervez Musharraf himself had told a human rights conference that honour killing was no different from premeditated murder and should be treated as such.

Following his remarks, one would have expected certain changes in the law. Unfortunately, none came. This is not to say that legislation alone will eliminate karo kari. Society too has to play its part. Certain social attitudes, especially those that relate to the role and place of women in a community, prevail in large parts of society. This means that police officials, especially those from rural backgrounds, or even members of the judiciary, might think that those who commit such murders do no wrong because such actions are allowed by certain tribal or other customs and traditions. Having said this, it would be a significant step forward if at least the government makes up its mind and introduces legislation that makes karo kari premeditated murder. As for social attitudes changing, this is where the enlightened sections of society have to play a more active role.