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After taking the oath of office on Dec 2, 1988, Benazir Bhutto addressed the crowd at the prime minister’s secretariat. “We gather to celebrate freedom, to celebrate democracy, to celebrate the three most beautiful words in the English language: ‘We, the people’.”
Both joyous and traumatic memories,of the time she had spent as ‘Pinky’ with her father, haunted her. Despite her solitary years in jails and in exile, Benazir Bhutto appeared calm and sombre, reflecting that she had perhaps changed as a person.
Undoubtedly, the oath-taking was a milestone in her life as well as for Pakistan, as it marked the end of Gen Zia’s 11-year military rule. At the time, in the 41 years of the country’s existence, democracy had prevailed for only 17 years; out of which most of the time went towards developing the Constitution. Despite the struggle made by liberal forces for the restoration of democracy, Benazir assuming post of the prime minister led to a debate within the PPP about her accepting premiership with certain conditions.
Despite Gen Beg’s hostile attitude, another Bhutto takes oath as PM
But she had reasons for it — the most compelling being that she believed she had no option. If she had refused, then there might have been a long, unpredictable wait. Likewise, the establishment had no choice either, as after Bhutto’s hanging and the dismissal of Junejo’s government, there had to be a prime minister from Sindh, as per the decision by the military leadership after the Bahawalpur aircraft crash.
After assuming power, Benazir was repeatedly reminded by Gen Aslam Baig that it was because of him, he claimed, that Benazir had become the prime minister, and that if he had set forth stricter conditions Benazir could not have become the prime minister. There were some comments in the press as well about the army hijacking foreign policy. Gen Baig did not deny this and said that they could have hijacked much more if they so desired.
When Zia found himself pressured from all quarters to restore democracy, he chalked out a plan to keep the PPP out of governance even if it won the polls. To ensure the success of that objective, Gen Zia decided to carve out a niche for himself and let governance matters revolve around him, no matter who became the prime minister, as in the case of Mohammad Khan Junejo. But on second thought about the possible re-entry of Benazir in the political scenario, he improvised his earlier plan.
Gen Zia had considered the holding of 1985 general elections on non-party basis a fruitful experience and he wanted the 1988 elections to also be held on a non-party basis, but Benazir had managed to get this move annulled by the Supreme Court. Equally important was the issue of presentation of NIC at polling booths. However, this hindrance was also removed by the court, adding considerable voting strength to the election.
Following the Bahawalpur crash, a shaky and indecisive environment prevailed at the Presidency. There was a possibility of promulgating Martial Law and putting political activities on hold. Since the top brass had been wiped out in the crash, leaving only Gen Aslam Baig as the senior-most officer in the army, he could have done away with the constitutional process. He decided to follow the Constitution, but ensured that liberal forces were kept out of the power race. His intention was to restore the democratic process and at the same time restore the army’s prestige.
Contemporary historians would record that the transfer of power in 1988 was part of a bigger plan set into action since Gen Zia had decided to keep liberal elements away from power. Perhaps he feared that if the PPP came to power again, it would avenge Bhutto’s hanging. He believed that a segment of armed forces subscribed to his political perception. The overthrow of July 5, 1977, was part of the plan which was to be followed by a personal dictatorship extending beyond a decade.
After consulting with his colleagues, Gen Zia decided to dispel the common feeling in regard to the army’s continued intervention in political administration. With Pakistan’s crumbling economy and a society plagued by ills, it was believed that democracy could bring stability and revive economic reforms. Pakistan’s action as a front state to defeat the (now defunct) Soviet Union had brought an influx of 7m Afghan refugees to an already ailing economy, plus a drug and Kalashnikov culture.
The selection of a prime minister from Sindh was a commendable idea, and since other contenders for the position, like Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi and Illahi Bakhsh Soomro were rejected at the ballot box, Benazir was the best option.
Another compelling factor was the upcoming presidential election. On Aug 17, the armed forces chiefs had decided to name the Senate chairman as acting president, in accordance with the Constitution. This was part of a process to get him elected as president after the election of a prime minister. The PPP did not have absolute majority to get the premiership outright, but it had the strength, without which Ghulam Ishaq Khan could not have been elected. Considering all these realities, the establishment decided to redo its roadmap.
Published in Dawn, Sunday Magazine, June 26th, 2016
