Haunted by the past
By Ismail Khan
WHEN President Hamid Karzai visited Islamabad in April, among other things that his hosts in Islamabad complained about was how officials of the Afghan intelligence agency, Riyast-i-Amniyat-i-Milli (RAM), were plotting to carry out high-profile assassinations in Pakistan. The evidence was said to have been compelling. A shocked Karzai promised to take action.
On his part, the Afghan president (accompanied by an American official) had requested Islamabad to plug the largely unmarked border between Pakistan’s Mohmand tribal region and Afghanistan’s eastern Nangrahar and Kunar provinces to check alleged incursions by the Taliban and Gulbadin Hikmatyar supporters.
In July, Pakistan and US-led coalition forces launched simultaneous operations on both sides of the border. Initially, Islamabad denied troop movements in the Mohmand tribal region and said that it was part of a joint military operation, but now it admits having sent its forces to the border in support of the government in Kabul.
So what are these skirmishes about? Did Pakistani forces really intrude 40kms into the Afghan territory? What was there in President Musharraf’s statement that irked his Afghan counterpart so much? And what do the nationwide protest demonstrations in Afghanistan mean for Pakistan?
Despite the pictures of President Musharraf and President Karzai shaking hands, there is deep suspicion between Pakistan and Afghanistan of each other’s intentions dating back decades and it is this that is now threatening existing cordial relations between the two countries.
Ever since President Musharraf withdrew Pakistan’s backing for the Taliban, Islamabad has been on the look out for a new role for itself amidst the changed realities in Afghanistan.
When Islamabad decided to follow Washington in its campaign in Afghanistan, the decision was based on the premise that the US would protect Pakistan’s legitimate interests in Afghanistan. But as recent events have shown, Pakistan is finding it difficult to safeguard its interests in the face of growing Indian influence in Afghanistan. Not only are things heating up on its western borders with Afghanistan, Pakistan is also worried about a menacing threat to its internal security due to the presence of Indian consulates in Jalalabad and Kandahar.
As against this, Pakistan’s diplomatic mission in Kabul faces the same level of restrictions on its operations as its missions face in New Delhi and Tehran. Pakistan ambassador Rustam Shah Mohmand is confronted with the daunting task of mending relations with a Punjsheri-dominated Afghan government and furthering Pakistan’s interests in Afghanistan.
There was a time when Gulbadin Hikmatyar was Pakistan’s favourite amongst various groups of Afghan mujahideen who got the lion’s share of CIA-supplied arms, much to the anger of his arch rival Ahmad Shah Masood. But when the communist regime fell, its policy makers in Afghanistan caught cold feet.
This arrangement didn’t last long. With Rabbani at the helm of affairs and Masood as defence minister, there was no love lost for Pakistan. Then came the Taliban who took care of the sensitive issue of the Durand Line and security along Pakistan’s western border. Masood never forgave Pakistan for that. He might have been justified in suspecting Pakistan’s intentions in Afghanistan and more specifically towards him. But it appears that those who succeeded him in the Northern Alliance have also not forgotten the steps that Pakistan took in the past.
They have forgiven Russia for invading Afghanistan, killing millions of their people, destroying its infrastructure and ruining the country. They have excused India whose mines have maimed and wounded hundreds of thousands of Afghans, but they refuse to set aside what Pakistan did in the past.
Pakistan shared its bread and butter with millions of Afghan refugees for three decades. A whole generation of Afghans has grown up here. The parents and family members of the governor of Afghanistan’s central bank, Anwarul Haq Ahadi, who led the protest march in Kabul, still live in Peshawar and enjoy Pakistan’s hospitality.
Granted that President Musharraf should not have said what he said about Mr Karzai’s influence not going beyond Kabul. But one may ask: What was so new in Gen Musharraf’s statement? Was it not something President Karzai himself has been demanding all this time? The western media and think-tanks in the US have been making the same assessments and drawing the same conclusions.
Clearly, there are elements at work in Afghanistan who would want to drive a wedge between Kabul and Islamabad. Islamabad has so far shown restraint. But it is time for Islamabad to rethink its Afghan policy on a sounder and long-term basis. It is evident that Washington has finally decided to honour its commitment in helping Pakistan safeguard its legitimate interests in Afghanistan. The setting up of a Pakistan-Afghanistan-US commission to sort out differences cropping up from border disputes is a step in the right direction. But given the mutual distrust and suspicion between Islamabad and Kabul, Washington needs to do more as a facilitator than be a mere law enforcement agency chasing Al Qaeda and Taliban remnants.

