Situated in a geo-strategic area, the historic Swat Valley has been the centre of a great civilisation with productive human activities evident from its marvelous archaeological remains.

Swat had retained its separate entity for most of its known history. Its geographical position and nature favoured a more advanced stage of civilisation than that of the surrounding areas, both in the past and in modern times. The Swati Pukhtuns kept the independent status and separate entity of Swat intact and the area never came under alien or imperial rule once it had been occupied by the Yusufzais.

Anxious for their independence, the Swatis had installed a king and created a state when the British directly occupied Peshawar and the plain areas of the Northst Frontier of India in 1849. Although the state did not last long after the death of the king in 1857, the Swatis were a source of great trouble for the British in the second half of the 19th century. They often challenged the mighty power of Britain e.g. in the Ambela War of 1863, and in 1895 and 1897 in the Malakand Wars.

Nevertheless, Lower Swat was brought under a loose sort of British paramountcy to safeguard the Peshawar-Chitral passage and the line of supply via Lower Swat and Dir. The British did not directly interfere in the internal affairs of Lower Swat nor did they try to extend their paramountcy to Upper Swat.

The internal disharmony, factional politics, and the protracted Dir-Swat tussle for the possession of Swati

territories created uncertainty within a section of the Upper Swat clans. They frequently requested the British to bring Upper Swat under their protection on the pattern of Lower Swat, and also approached various individuals to accept their offer.

The British adopted a policy of containment, but at the same time attempted to sabotage the formation of a government in 1914, by warning Abdul Jabbar Shah to abstain from proceeding to Swat for this purpose.

In the administrative apparatus, all the appointments, promotions, and dismissals rested with the

rulers. There was complete autocracy and absolutism during Abdul Wadud's later and Jahanzeb's entire reign. Both of them, however, were energetic and hard working, and, on the whole, ruled firmly and benevolently.

 They personally supervised all the affairs of the state and administration keenly and minutely and held daily courts except on the holidays. They kept themselves informed of all matters and cases, great or small. People, influential and ordinary, had access to them, but in a visible discriminative way, especially in Jahanzeb's case.

As in civil administration, the military organisation of the state had its own unique features. The financial system too had its own methodology under Abdul Wadud and Jahanzeb. The ruler was the state's exchequer and no officer, even the Wazir-i-Mal or Mashir-i-Mal, was entitled to draw a single rupee from the state treasury, except with the approval and signature of the ruler.

There was no limitation on the ruler's withdrawals from the state exchequer and there was no audit of these sums. The state and private revenue and income of the ruler, especially during Abdul Wadud's reign, was considered one and the same and was used in the same manner. Taxation was heavy, based on taxing the fruits of labour of the private enterprises.

The judicial system of Swat State was not Islamic as is commonly believed. It was a synthesis of the traditional codes with Islamic norms compatible with the traditional codes, and the commands, orders and words of the ruler. The ruler had the final supreme authority, the traditional codes held secondary status and Islamic law was subservient to both of them. Practically, the ruler was bound neither to the codes of conduct nor the Shariat.

The system, however, was an effective one as the trials were quick and cheap, and the judgements properly implemented. The cases were usually decided on the first hearing or, at the latest, on the second.

Keeping in view the regressive attitude and poor performance of the neighbouring princely states, progress in modern education in Swat State was remarkable and praiseworthy. In the later years education was largely free. Books and uniforms were provided by the state to deserving and poor students.

However, free education was not provided to the whole population nor was education compulsory as stated by some propagandists, and when education was made largely free, the educational institutions were not sufficient for the whole population. In most remote areas not enough educational institutions were available.

Land for the school buildings and playgrounds had to be provided by the people free of cost, and they with the militiamen did the manual work for the construction as well. In later years the construction was carried out by contractors and paid for by the state. The general trend was upwards. The British and later the Pakistani central and provincial governments also had their input into the progress and promotion of modern education in Swat.

Swat State had the distinction in the world for having Pushto as the sole official language. This and the compilation and translations of books into Pushto contributed much to the progress of the Pushto language, literature, and literacy in Pushto.

The number of hospitals and dispensaries were insufficient for the vast dominion of about 4,000 square miles, a significant portion of which was hilly, remote and backward. However, progress in the field of health services and the provision of free medicines to both the in and outpatients was unmatched as compared to the other princely states and settled districts of Pakistan.

Previously the people had been superstitious rather than religious and the real religion that governed their actions was Pakhtoo, also referred to as Pakhtoonwali, the Pakhtoon code of life.

A considerable change took place in the religious outlook, beliefs, ideas and rituals of the people, because of the introduction of modern education, and exposure to, and links with the outside world through a better communication system. The state, however, did not donate much to religious education as compared to modern education.

With the passage of time the wesh system, prevalent in Swat State areas for a long time, fell short of the new standards of economic, political and social progress and development. With the permanent settlement effected by Abdul Wadud, a new phase of Swat's history and social and economic life began. The results of the permanent settlement cannot be overemphasised.

Achievements in the field of communications were marvellous. These enabled and facilitated the rulers to consolidate the state and secure their position and possessions. It gave an impetus to trade and broke the isolation of the farflung areas within the state and of the state itself.

Though Swat State had to manage all the works with its own resources and had received grants from the British only for the road at Fizagat, and for the road to Buner over the Karakar Pass, most of the construction of the roads and bridges was done by the people as forced labour along with the state militia which was extensively used for public works.

The land was taken free of cost from the people and only in Kohistan was payment made for the land acquired for roads. It is sad that contribution and the sacrifices made by the people for public utility works like roads, schools, hospitals, and bridges had been ignored.

The over all performance of the rulers in the economic field and in the industrial sector was not progressive or successful and the development of the economic sphere is not praiseworthy.

The social organisation of the areas comprising Swat State was greatly altered with the introduction of a number of reforms and agents of social change, like attempts at weakening the strong bond of the traditional dala system, declining role of the hujra and jarga, control and regulation of the power and authority of the traditional leadership and patronising the emergent new leadership.

The disarmament of a people well armed with the latest British weapons was one of the greatest achievements in the state era and was regarded by the British government as the signal achievement of Abdul Wadud's life.

The disarmament did not mean that the people were without arms. They could still possess arms but under state licence, for which they had to pay an annual fee. In fact, rather than disarmament, it was a regularisation and control over the possession of arms.

It considerably eliminated unlicenced arms but paved the way for favoritism. The disloyal were deprived of most of their arms and the loyalists and supporters were rewarded with large numbers of arms with the licences to hold them. The socioconsequence of this move cannot be underestimated in the tribal Swati society and social set-up of the time.

The powers of the Khans and Malaks were not completely broken. Some were strengthened whose loyalty was exploited for the maintenance of the state authority. Although the Khans and Malaks did not become totally insignificant, the nature of their power and position radically changed.

Westernisation and secularisation was favoured by Miangul Abdul Wadud and Miangul Jahanzeb; especially Jahanzeb. The neighbouring states and Tribal Areas were left far behind in this as well.

During Abdul Wadud and Jahanzeb's reign, there was no insecurity throughout the state. All enjoyed a peaceful life, except those who had displeased the rulers, and the law and order situation was unique. However, discretion and discrimination has been observed in the implementation of the rules and regulations, and the rulers, their family members, and relatives were above the law.