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Though the International Cricket Council has yet to come on board, the breakthrough managed by Zaka Ashraf and company in terms of bringing international cricket back to Pakistan needs to be appreciated for what it is. Full marks to the PCB for pulling off this hard bargain that was conducted almost in full public view.
The Bangladesh Cricket Board (BCB) seems to be quite desperate in earning Pakistan’s support for the nomination of its chief Mustafa Kamal for ICC vice-presidency, which, in turn, would elevate him to be the world body’s president in 2014. Without Pakistan’s support, Bangladesh stands nowhere; not in cricket, that is.
As has often been the case, India also had something on offer to lure Bangladesh from staying away from the deal. The BCB was looking to sell television rights afresh after its contract with an Indian broadcaster came to an end. To help it locate a sponsor was only part of the offer; the Indian cricketing authorities even offered Bangladesh to have its first full Test series in India since being granted Test status a dozen years ago. That offer is still in the air and its fate would practically be decided once the ICC arrives at some decision about sending officials to supervise the Pakistan-Bangladesh series.
The world of diplomatic backstage has its own connotations and implications, but the manner in which the sub-continental triangle played out their roles in this brazen-faced, on-stage, give-and-take act was less than awe-inspiring. The bottom line, needless to say, favours Pakistan, but the long-term impact of playing host to Bangladesh is something that will be known only in the long term.
What happened three years ago on that fateful morning in Lahore was ghastly enough to keep international cricket away for this long. Regardless of how we, the Pakistanis look at it, there can hardly be any denial of the fact that things on the security front have only worsened. For many, the Abbotabad incident or the attack on the Mehran Base may not be relevant examples to quote here, but the recent assault on the prison in Bannu is a clear indication of how secure the national security apparatus actually is these days.
The least that needs to be done is to avoid the unpardonable lapses in security that was provided to the Sri Lankans back in 2009. Had the security procedure been properly followed, the attack could have been avoided. There is no denying the fact that given the scale of militancy in the region, the security cordon could still have been breached. But—and it is a huge ‘but’—the blame would not have been on the PCB and the image of the country would not have suffered as much as it did.
One look at the Standard Operating Procedure (SOP) was enough to expose the degree of deviation from the original document which resulted in sheer laxity. The PCB spearheads the security arrangements of all international fixtures in the country. Under the SOP, it is the PCB’s responsibility to ensure that all stakeholders—police, local administration, organisers, etc.—are on board in terms of the security plan.
Among a host of other things, the SOP at the time called for setting up a Command and Control Centre at the venue which had to recommend the final route of the entourage to the senior police officer that was to accompany the high-profile potential targets. The final route had to be completely sealed off with a full-scale blockade of arteries leading to the roads concerned. Besides, one hour before the scheduled departure of the team from the hotel, all vehicles parked within 200 metres of the route were either to be removed or towed away.
The personnel of Special Branch were also required to be deployed well in advance for intelligence gathering and to sweep the 200-metre area on either side of the finalised route with sniffer-dogs and electronic gadgets. And, finally, sharp-shooters were to be deployed on all high-rise buildings along the route and around the venue.
The convoy itself was to move in a box formation, which means there were to be two pilots followed by an Elite Force vehicle, the umpires van, the team buses, and three Elite Force vehicles to provide cover to the buses on both sides and at the tail. An ambulance, a fire engine and a vehicle of the Rapid Deployment Force were to follow the main convoy at a distance of a few hundred metres.
As it happened, almost none of it was followed. One can see how different the scenario could have been had these arrangements been in place. There is little doubt that laxity reigned supreme, and the price the nation was made to pay by the international community was justified in essence. Hopefully, things will be better this time round. But, before we get to that point, hopefully the ICC will not throw the proverbial spanner in the works.
