LAHORE, June 28: The Alliance for Restoration of Democracy is bracing for a new phase of struggle against the military government after failing to get any of its demands accepted in 18 months of a now-on now-off movement.

The package of constitutional amendments, which threatens on implementation to wipe out many political parties, has provided the ARD grounds for continuing its struggle from the common platform at a time when the elections are round the corner. The package, which gives the president important powers, including the power to ‘pick and kick’ the prime minister, will come under fire at all public meetings the coalition will hold in various parts of the country next month, alliance sources say.

Simultaneously, the ARD president, Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan is thinking of challenging the package before the Supreme Court on the plea that the military regime is not competent to amend the constitution or take other steps of far-reaching consequences enshrined in the package.

The ARD, comprising over a dozen political parties, including the Pakistan People’s Party and the Pakistan Muslim League, which twice succeeded each other in power between 1988 and 1999, has been working for the revival of the political system since the last quarter of the year 2000. It has, however, failed to have an impact. Even now there is little possibility of the coalition being able to bring the rulers to terms before the elections, although it plans, hoping against hope, to mobilize the masses through its rallies.

The military government is determined to hold the elections according to the time frame it had set at the very outset and in accordance with the rules it lays down. And all parties are preparing to contest the elections.

The secret, as well as open, contacts between some important parties and the regime have been the major reason why an anti-government movement could not shape up despite efforts by some leaders. The decision of the Muttahida Qaumi Movement and the Awami National Party to part ways with the alliance for their own expediencies, too, has affected the coalition’s capacity to mount pressure on the rulers.

Important leaders of the alliance admit that they will not be able to mount enough pressure to set up an interim government or a new chief election commissioner to ensure impartial elections. They also don’t think that they’ll be able to stop the rulers from amending the constitution or setting up a national security council which, opposition leaders regard as a supra constitutional body.

When the PML government was toppled in October 1999, opposition leaders, then operating from the platform of the Pakistan Awami Ittehad and the Grand Democratic Alliance, had quietly celebrated the overthrow. The despondency grew as Gen Pervez Musharraf first announced his seven-point agenda — which needed a long time for implementation — and then when the Supreme Court gave him three years to restore democracy.

Opposition parties refused to accept the time allowed to the military ruler and the authority conferred on him to amend the constitution. They have consistently been demanding that the elections should be held in three months under the supervision of an interim government.

Despite all their efforts — and repeated demands — they have been unable to have the elections advanced even by a single day. Those who were not willing to allow the general to stay in power for a day are now about to complete three years in tolerating him. Another five-year term for the general will start when the new parliament meets after the elections.

The question is who is responsible for the general’s longevity in the saddle. There may be several factors behind it, but the absence of Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif from the scene are, perhaps, the most important. Leaders and workers of all parties are most enthusiastic when heads of the parties are present to personally watch their performance.

It is, perhaps, for this reason that parties in the ARD have failed to mobilize the masses. And the situation is not expected to go against the military regime as long as the two former prime ministers are away from the country.

Some leaders have already made veiled efforts to tell the PPP and PML leaders to return to the country to play their role in national affairs. The messages, however, have gone unheeded despite claims by the two parties that they would stage a comeback.

The new constitutional package has confronted the leadership of both the major parties with a new situation. It would take them some time to decide on their future course of action.