First the TV channels went off air. Next, telephone lines started ringing incessantly in the Newsroom. Colleagues ate up their words in mid conversation and we knew without saying a word to each other that the worst had come on November 3, 2007.

Panic-stricken citizens started bombarding the offices of media organizations with phone calls in the evening of that fateful day, inquiring whether the then president and army chief, Pervez Musharraf, had imposed a state of emergency throughout the country. Interestingly, none of the callers asked what had happened, but instead posed the question is it true or not.

Musharraf had chosen to declare the state of emergency as army chief instead of president. Dawn heralded the news as `General Musharraf`s second coup` the next morning, the first being in October 12, 1999, against a democratically elected government. The measure was termed as emergency plus since it came along with a provisional constitution order that held the constitution in `abeyance` and replaced the superior courts. The general claimed in a statement that the move had become inevitable in the face of growing militancy and “increasing interference by some members of the judiciary”. The media too was accused of being partisan and all private TV channels were immediatel y taken off air across the country.  All except two were restored a couple of weeks later after being made to sign a government-sanctioned `code of conduct`.   

So what really compelled Musharraf to take this extra-constitutional step, even though he already enjoyed all powers by virtue of holding two key offices? The impetus can be traced back to July 20, 2007, when Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry was restored by the apex court as chief justice, terming his disposition by the president as illegal. After suffering the setback, Musharraf then conspired to get elected for another five-year term as president from a national assembly that itself was coming to the end of its term. He contested the presidential elections against Justice (retd) Wajihuddin Ahmed and, according to unofficial results on October 6, 2007, he won it with a comfortable majority of 253 votes. 

underhanded tactics including blackmail were allegedly used to pressurize the judges into giving a favorable verdict. Sharifuddin Pirzada, Musharraf`s top legal aide, reportedly informed his boss a day before the emergency that seven out of the eleven-member bench of the apex court would rule against him in the high-profile case. Cornered, the general decided to make the preemptive strike.

Aitzaz had filed an application in the apex court on Nov 2, 2007, warning of an imminent martial law. Seven Supreme Court judges including Justice Chaudhry took cognizance of this fact and in an unusual move decided to hold fort in their respective chambers. As soon as the emergency was imposed, the court overturned the PCO and restrained the chief of army staff, corps commanders, staff officers and other civil and military officers from acting under the decree. The order was sneaked out to the awaiting press corp. outside the court building in Islamabad. Senior army officials then got the premises vacated and all judges were sent home and placed under house arrest.

The backlash was swift and unanimous. Lawyers came out on the streets in full force and pictures of the intelligentsia getting thrashed by security personnel were beamed world over. International indignation, especially from the US and UK, forced Musharraf to then hand over the military command to his successor Gen Ashfaq Parvez Kayani on November 28, 2007, 25 days into the emergency. But before that he amended the Army Act of 1952 and broadened the scope of court martial to include ordinary civilians as well. This parting shot was deemed to discourage criticism of armed forces.

     In pictures

With the judiciary taken care of and Justice Dogar installed as the new chief justice of Pakistan, Musharraf took oath as president on November 29, 2007 and lifted emergency on December 15, 2007. His downward spiral, however, continued and he ended his nine-year rule on August 18, 2008, with the words `Pakistan ka Khuda hafiz`.

Even though the political landscape has changed completely since then, much has been left undone. The visible changes include posters of the general`s fist being replaced by the widower`s grin. However, deposed judge Iftikhar Chaudhry, who was in the centre of the whole emergency controversy, remains sacked. Even though Aitzaz still remains optimistic and Ali Ahmed Kurd is now the new Supreme Court Bar Association president, it`s a fact that the lawyers` movement has fizzled out and no crowds rally behind their motorcade today as judges accept government offers. The issue of missing persons, considered by many the nucleus of the problem, is still unresolved. Also, the people of Pakistan remain as miserable and uncertain as their focus shifts to dire economic conditions in the country.

Amusingly, it seems even Musharraf hasn`t come out of his bubble of grandeur even after becoming a toothless entity. He recently expressed `concern` over the country`s situation in the backdrop of a rumor that he was planning to launch a political career. If it bears any truth, it is unlikely that the people would start rallying behind the same man who they got rid of after so much difficulty. Disillusionment too has its limits. Or does it?

The writer can be contacted at salman.siddiqui@dawn.com