LOCAL governments (LGs) represent the essential third tier of governance, responsible for connecting the state with citizens, and ensuring that democracy improves day-to-day life. In Pakistan, however, this tier has rarely functioned effectively.
Even though Article 140-A of Pakistan’s Constitution requires the provinces to establish elected local governments, and decentralise political, administrative and financial powers to them, implementation has been inconsistent and shaped more by political interests than by constitutional intent. Local governance has been altered, diluted, or suspended at various times, preventing it from developing into a stable democratic institution.
Pakistan’s attempts at local governance have evolved over time. One of the most significant milestones was the Local Government Ordinance (LGO) 2001, which established an elected format with comparatively clearer administrative and financial powers. This system reduced bureaucratic dominance and allowed a new layer of leadership to emerge.
However, after the 18th Amendment, the provinces abandoned this model. Despite being meant to advance devolution, new pieces of legislation passed in all the provinces largely centralised provincial control and limited the autonomy that was previously granted to the LGs.
The impact of weak devolution is most visible in Pakistan’s major cities, including Karachi, Lahore, Faisalabad, Peshawar, Quetta, Rawalpindi, Multan and others. Around the world, large urban centres operate through empowered municipal governments with authority over transport, sanitation, policing, planning and tax collection.
In Pakistan, city governments remain dependent on provincial establishments. Karachi’s fragmented authority, Lahore’s reduced metropolitan powers, and the limited financial independence of other major cities all reflect the same central problem: provinces are reluctant to let cities govern themselves.
As the national conversation increasingly turns towards the debate on devolution of power, it has become obvious that genuine empowerment of LGs, not more provinces, is the only viable solution.
Without meaningful administrative and financial authority at the grassroots level, the idea of devolution remains rhetorical rather than practical. Local represen-tatives, who understand community needs more directly than distant provincial departments, cannot deliver unless they possess real power.
Strengthening local-tier governance is, therefore, essential for resolving the country’s growing urban challenges, improving service delivery, and, above all, rebuilding public trust in democratic institutions.
The broader debate on the LG system highlights several persistent issues, including limited fiscal decentralisation, bureaucratic dominance and political reluctance. Provincial leaders often see empowered LGs as competing centres of influence rather than complementary democratic partners.
A comparison with the Kerala model in India shows what Pakistan is missing. Kerala devolved a significant share of state resources to local bodies, institutionalised participatory planning, and gave local councils real authority in the domains of education, health, welfare and infra-structure. This long-term commitment translated into strong social indicators and responsive governance. Pakistan has never implemented such a sustained decentralisation due to resistance from political and administrative elite.
Ultimately, Pakistan’s failure to establish a strong and functional LG system is not due to constitutional limitations, but due to political choices. Even with Article 140-A and the lessons of LGO-2001, local governance continues to be treated as ‘optional’. For Pakistan to achieve efficient, citizen-centred administration and democratic stability, the third tier of governance must be empowered rather than ignored. It is only through genuine devolution that governance can become responsive, inclusive and truly effective.
Khateeb Khan
Kotli, AJK
Published in Dawn, January 6th, 2026
