SINGAPORE: All seems quiet on the North Korean front. But any apparent reduction in tension on the last Cold War border is but a lull as protagonists Pyongyang and Washington assess their positions on the smouldering nuclear crisis.
The standoff over North Korea’s nuclear programme casts a shadow over the entire Northeast Asian region and offers an example to would-be nuclear states elsewhere in the world.
The crisis has faded from the limelight after six-country talks in Beijing in August looked to have taken the edge off the threat but analysts say anyone who thinks those negotiations offered an opportunity to put the issue on hold is playing with fire.
“Everyone seems to be resting easy, perhaps without real good cause, just because it appears the North Koreans have agreed to come to another meeting,” said Ralph Cossa, head of the Hawaii-based CSIS Pacific Forum think tank.
“Everyone agreed not to do anything nasty between now and the next meeting — but nasty has been left undefined.”
In fact, North Korea’s nearest friend, China, and closest neighbour, South Korea, have both shown signs they are very aware the August talks that also involved Japan, Russia and the United States were but the first step in a tortuous process.
With a flurry of diplomatic activity and leaders’ summits scheduled around Asia over the next few weeks, the likelihood of another round of talks before mid-November is slim.
“In the first round of the six-party talks, North Korea did not show anything positive while the US side did,” said Izumi Hajime, a Korea expert at Shizuoka Prefectural University near Tokyo.
“Therefore, the ball is in North Korea’s court. That is what the North is aware of,” he said.
China may send its parliamentary chief and Communist Party number two, Wu Bangguo, to Pyongyang as early as this week, becoming the highest-ranking official from Beijing to visit for several years as ties have cooled since Kim Jong-il assumed the leadership after the death of his father in 1994.
And South Korean President Roh Moo-hyun, facing hostility at home to a US request for military help in Iraq, has linked the deployment of South Korean troops to progress on defusing the crisis over North Korea’s nuclear ambitions.
And the question, as ever, is whether North Korea will turn up. And if those delegates do fly once more to Beijing, just how much negotiating power will they bring?
“Diplomatic atmospherics are among the many scarce goods that Pyongyang presumes to regulate, and ration,” Nicholas Eberstadt of the American Enterprise Institute in Washington wrote for the Nautilus Institute this week.
“But any genuine progress toward a diplomatic resolution of the nuclear impasse cannot be expected without fundamental — nay revolutionary — changes in outlook and policy on the part of the North Korean leadership,” he said.
So far, North Korea’s delegates have tended to turn up at the talks, read prepared statements, drop yet another bombshell with such threats as — in August in Beijing — to carry out a nuclear test and then go home and refuse to come back again.
This is the kind of behaviour trying China’s patience.
It may be why Beijing sent only a low-level apparatchik to North Korea’s 55th anniversary celebrations this month and why it may now be dispatching a senior leader to mend fences and make clear China is serious in its opposition to nuclear weapons on the Korean peninsula.
North Korea may want something in return for turning up, just as the United States believes the North’s nuclear ambitions may be aimed at extracting rewards — anathema to US policymakers.
GETTING THE NORTH TO THE TABLE: “At some point the North Koreans are still going to balk and essentially wait — or hope — to be bribed by the South Koreans or Chinese to come to the meeting,” said Cossa.
Even worse for North Korea would be to be ignored.
Foreign ministers from the other five countries are expected to meet on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly in New York on Friday to discuss latest developments in the crisis. North Korea has not been invited.
Such a move serves to remind North Korea of its isolation — particularly from old friends China and Russia.
“The US wants first of all to give the North Koreans time to think things over and read over what they heard at the talks,” said Cossa. “The US presentation provided more flexibility than the North Koreans had expected and North Korea is not capable of reacting quickly to anything.”
Officials in Washington are hoping that behind-the-scenes pressure from the other five may bring movement.
Eberstadt was far from optimistic about the kind of progress for which the United States yearns.
“North Korea remains entirely unlikely to be talked out of its nuclear weapons programme,” he wrote.
Hajime said a next round was crucial, as were moves by North Korea to refreeze its nuclear facilities and allow back in International Atomic Energy Agency inspectors.
“If North Korea fails to do so at the second round, the talks would break down once and for all,” he said. “Then the situation will be totally unpredictable and tensions will escalate sharply.”
Pyongyang’s behaviour offers an example to such nascent nuclear states as Iran.
“The real question is whether North Korea’s response will be to cooperate or ratchet tensions higher,” said Cossa. “My sense is that the North Koreans are not stupid.”
They may have felt increasingly isolated at the last round of talks in Beijing. What is not clear is whether that will prompt them to back off or to lash out if they feel cornered.
“I get a little nervous when North Korea has not been in the newspapers for at least four days,” said Cossa. “They then try to find ways to remind people they are still there.”
And that is when attention-seeking statements about nuclear progress tend to emanate from Pyongyang.—Reuters





























