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DAWN - the Internet Edition


April 30, 2008 Wednesday Rabi-us-Sani 23, 1429


Editorial


Ties with Iran
Mehsud’s walkout
Capricious changes in Punjab
OTHER VOICES - European Press
A critique of the left



Ties with Iran


THE decision reached in Islamabad on Monday between the visiting Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and President Musharraf to sign the accord on Iran-Pakistan-India (IPI) gas pipeline augurs well for all concerned. The longstanding project delayed by reservations expressed by India and disputes over tariff and transit fees can now finally take off the ground. Pakistan’s rising energy needs face a shortage, and in addition to future gas supply, Iran’s offer to wire in 1,100 MW of electricity is godsend. At Pakistan’s initiative, another trilateral deal envisaging the supply of gas to China through this country is also a good omen for regional cooperation that will work to everyone’s benefit. On the political front, the pumping of Iranian gas into Pakistan, India and China at a time when the US opposes such dealings with Iran’s Islamic regime is significant. It is an assertion of independence in international relations on the part of the countries concerned and their refusal to be dictated to by Washington, because it arguably works against their own economic and diplomatic interests. The accord reached with Iran also dispels the impression that Pakistan’s earlier signing of another gas supply deal with Turkmenistan via Afghanistan was an alternative to the IPI deal.

All this has profound implications for Pakistan and South Asia. Iran is an important neighbour with which the people of the subcontinent have enjoyed historical relations. It is a major regional player in the bordering Middle East commanding a naval presence in the strategic Strait of Hormuz from where the bulk of the world’s oil passes. On the other side of the fence, even the US, despite all its opposition to Tehran’s Islamic regime and its nuclear programme, cannot deny the importance of engaging Iran if it wants to cool off tensions in Iraq. It is a measure of the failure of American foreign policy that Russia and China should continue to carry out their dealings with Iran, including in the controversial nuclear energy sector as far as Moscow is concerned, and India should snub Washington’s suggestion, as it recently did, to ask Iran to roll back its nuclear programme. Tehran has insisted all along that its programme is for peaceful purposes. President Musharraf’s reiteration of support on the subject to his Iranian counterpart is reassuring.

Recent developments taking place in the region whereby American efforts to diplomatically isolate Iran have been snubbed should be seen in the context of growing interdependence of countries upon one another and not as being geared towards furthering the imperatives of a unipolar world — as Washington wishes to see it. All this means that there will be quite a bit of catching up to do for the post-Bush American administration if it wants to take the rest of the world along on many global issues.

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Mehsud’s walkout


BAITULLAH Mehsud’s Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan announced on Monday that it was pulling out of peace negotiations because the government was refusing to withdraw army troops from the tribal belt. But it is still early and one statement does not necessarily mean that the peace deal is dead and buried. Even the spokesman for the Pakistani Taliban did not shut the door on future talks and as one government official suggested in not so many words, Baitullah Mehsud may simply be upping the ante to extract concessions not envisaged in the original peace plan. Take troop withdrawal, the major bone of contention between the two sides. Under the peace accord that came to light last week, the promise to withdraw army troops was specific to Mehsud territory in South Waziristan, a region where the military’s presence is limited in any case. These troops, which Mehsud’s spokesman subsequently claimed had begun leaving the area, were to be replaced by the paramilitary Frontier Corps. It now emerges that the Taliban are demanding that the army also leave Darra Adamkhel in Frontier Region (FR) Kohat, district Swat and apparently all of Waziristan. This is a wholly unreasonable and unrealistic demand and the government needs to draw the line firmly. What will the Taliban demand next? That the army ought to leave Abbottabad, Kohat, Nowshera and Peshawar? Where will it end?

Eventual demilitarisation of the tribal belt is indeed desirable. No civilian likes to live under the shadow of the gun and in any case the army’s job is to protect the country, not pockets within its borders. But before that can happen, a semblance of normality must return to Waziristan, Darra Adamkhel, Swat and other areas in the grip of militancy. That is clearly not the case at present and a complete withdrawal at this stage would be an invitation to disaster. Also, the army’s departure can come only when the local political administration, supported by vastly upgraded police and paramilitary forces, is strong enough to establish the writ of the state and ensure rule of law. Otherwise the militants, who already dictate terms in their strongholds and from those bases export their ideology to the rest of Pakistan, will take complete control of large swathes of Fata and the NWFP. Then we will be back to square one and another, even bigger, military operation will be required. Instead of running round in circles, forward movement is the order of the day. That will require a certain give and take but so far the Taliban have shown little sign of living up to their side of the bargain.

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Capricious changes in Punjab


IS it possible to turn a pampered, bloated state bureaucracy into a lean, mean and efficient organisation only by readjusting its personnel? The new government in Punjab certainly thinks otherwise and has therefore unleashed a seemingly unrelenting process of transferring government officers across departments and districts. The massive transfer process — involving high, middle and even low ranking officials — has so far displaced scores if not hundreds of government functionaries, with many more expecting a similar change in their official circumstances. The chief minister, his party and cabinet do not mince their words in condemning the previous holders of government posts as being inefficient, ineligible and suckers for power and pelf.

After having diagnosed these maladies, it was only obvious for the new government to have embarked on remedying them. But while the diagnosis is perfect, the cure is far from being so. The current process of transfers and posting is as whimsical as the one it is trying to replace and reverse. News reports suggest that an unelected top leader of the provincial ruling party in Punjab is interviewing government officials en masse to assign them to the most plum and most important assignments in the province.

While transfers and postings are the prerogatives of an administration, there is no valid reasons to believe that those who get key posts after satisfying their interviewers will be any better than those they will replace. Don’t they all come from the same officers’ corps which in all analyses is found to have been rotten to the core. Changing one for the other is hardly the solution and basing this change on the prejudices and predilections of one or a few individuals makes its efficacy even more questionable. So more frequent these capricious changes the less likely are they to deliver. Don’t we already know that more things change more they remain the same?

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OTHER VOICES - European Press


Troubled minds need HSE action

Irish Examiner

THE Wexford 24/7 Suicide Action group has condemned the minister, the Health Service Executive and its leadership as ‘a disgrace’ because ‘absolutely nothing’ has been done in the past year to improve facilities for those troubled people who contemplate suicide and the destruction of their loved ones.

The approach to mental health service has undergone a revolution since the 1984 publication of the policy document, ‘Planning for the Future’. It emphasised the need to set up multi-professional teams to provide proper psychiatric services by integrating a comprehensive mental health system within the community, rather than in residential institutions.

Many residential institutions have been shut down and sold off, but the necessary replacement facilities are not being provided within the community to ensure that the necessary help is available to those in need.

By now nobody should be surprised that the health services have got things backwards again. The first step should have been to ensure that replacement services were in place and functioning, but almost a quarter of a century later those promised services are still not operating properly.

The health boards have given way to the HSE, but many of the same people are still involved.

Last year 25m euros earmarked for mental health services was diverted elsewhere by the government. This is intolerable. “No one seems to know where it went or what happened to it,” Bridget O’Keeffe, spokeswomen for the Wexford 24/7 action group, complained….

Just three days after the first anniversary of the Monageer tragedy, in which the parents and two children lost their lives in a suicide-murder combination, we have another similar tragedy nearby. Those tragedies demonstrate an obvious need for help and support in the area.

Suicide has become a widespread problem, leading to even more deaths than from road accidents. The majority of suicides are young men. The kind of stress that leads to suicide is a mental health problem that must be faced. Such concerns cannot be treated as a mere administrative matter by the HSE. A helpline should be available round the clock throughout the year. — (April 29)

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A critique of the left


By John Gray

THE period stretching from the collapse of communism up to the attack on Iraq was a time when western leaders prided themselves on their ignorance of history.

They embraced the defining delusion of the post-cold war era: the conflicts of the 20th century are safely behind us, and we have nothing to learn from the past. Backed by America’s seemingly invincible military might and the superior productivity of western economies, the world had entered a new epoch of peace and democracy.

Tony Judt has always been a dissenter from this consensus. In Reappraisals the British-born historian, now a university professor in New York, collects 23 essays, written between 1994 and 2006, in which he undertakes a ruthless dissection of the ruling illusions of the post-cold war years — “the years the locusts ate”, as he calls them.

A book of essays originally published over a period of 12 years may seem an unlikely place to find a systematic analysis of the follies of an era, and it is true that the pieces gathered here cover a remarkable range of writers and themes. There are illuminating assessments of Primo Levi and Hannah Arendt, a superb deconstruction of Blair’s Britain, a penetrating discussion of the fall of France in 1940, explorations of Belgium’s fractured statehood and the ambiguous position of Romania in Europe, analyses of the Cuba crisis and Kissinger’s diplomacy, and much else besides.

This breadth of reference may seem to militate against continuous argument, but in fact these articles and reviews pursue a single overarching theme. The book is a devastating critique of intellectual life over the past two decades, and it is mostly icons of the left that are smashed.

The Marxist historian Eric Hobsbawm is described as “a communist mandarin — with all the confidence and prejudices of his caste”, who by ignoring Stalin’s crimes “slept through the terror and shame of the age”. Louis Althusser, the founder of a hermetic type of Marxism whose gibberish blighted academic discourse for a generation, resembles “a minor medieval scholastic, desperately scrabbling around in categories of his own imagining”, whose theories are worth less than “the most obscure theological speculation, which usually had as its goal something of significance”.

These are severe judgments, but they are not unjust. Each of these writers insulated his political beliefs from any contact with historical realities — Hobsbawm by affecting a patrician silence, Althusser by retreating into incomprehensibility. As a result they have contributed nothing to understanding the past century. In contrast, Judt praises Arthur Koestler as “the exemplary intellectual” whose courageous nonconformity “has assured him his place in history”.

He describes Leszek Kolakowski’s reply to an “open letter” by EP Thompson in which the British historian berates the Polish philosopher for his departures from socialist orthodoxy as “the most perfectly executed demolition in the history of political argument: no one who reads it will ever take EP Thompson seriously again.”

In similar vein Judt writes sympathetically of Whittaker Chambers, the American former Communist party member who outed Alger Hiss as a Soviet agent, whose reward for speaking out at great risk to himself was to be defamed and detested by right-thinking liberals. In their different ways, these ex-communists demonstrated a kind of integrity that has been noticeably absent in the paragons of the intellectual left.

Judt is especially hard on America’s liberal hawks. These “ tough”, “muscular” liberals have collaborated with neocons in injecting into the centre of politics a type of thinking inherited from the old left.

As Judt sees it, left-liberals such as Michael Ignatieff and Paul Berman are not much more than camp followers of the Bush administration. “America’s liberal armchair warriors,” he writes sharply, “are the ‘useful idiots’ of the War on Terror.” A few pages later, he hammers the point home: “In today’s America, neoconservatives generate brutish policies for which liberals provide the ethical fig-leaf. There really is no other difference between them.”

Judt entitles the essay in which he takes American liberals to task “The Silence of the Lambs: On the Strange Death of Liberal America”. This may be a little overdone.

A good many American liberals — not least Barack Obama — were opposed to the Iraq war pretty much from the start. But it is true that the organs of the liberal centre in America — the Washington Post and New York Times, for example — colluded with the Bush administration in a grotesquely ill-judged and demeaning way.

The job of countering pro-war disinformation was left to investigative journalists such as Seymour Hersh and Michael Massing, writing in the New Yorker and the New York Review of Books. The continuing carnage in Iraq is as much the responsibility of the liberals who legitimised the war as it is of the neocons who engineered it.

Analysing the motives of the liberal hawks, Judt finds a yearning for lost moral simplicities. He is surely right about left-liberal moral nostalgia. Though he does not comment on the fact, a similar shift has occurred on the eastern side of the Atlantic where, on some sections of the British left, the US has succeeded the former Soviet Union as the regime appointed by history to bring about a revolutionary transformation in human affairs.

Neocons and strong-arm liberals have not lost the taste for bloodshed in faraway places of the fellow-travelling left, they have merely fastened on a different regime as the vehicle for their fantasies of world revolution. Judt’s critique of the role of liberal intellectuals in politics is wide-ranging and unsparing. When he takes seriously a one-state solution for the Palestine/Israel conflict, or suggests looking to Europe for a 21st-century model of the good society, he is as remote from historically realisable possibilities as the writers he criticises.

Even when he is wrong, however, Judt writes with fearless integrity and moral seriousness. Like Raymond Aron, Judt is a liberal thinker dedicated to demystifying liberal illusions.

—The Guardian London

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