Restitution of the judiciary
By Dr Tariq Hassan
ONE must compliment the Pakistan People’s Party for initiating the process to resolve the continuing judicial crisis through its prime minister who, even before being sworn in, gave orders for the immediate release of illegally detained judges.
One must equally praise the Pakistan Muslim League-N for keeping the restoration of judges, who refused to take oath under the Provisional Constitution Order promulgated on Nov 3, 2007, on top of its agenda in its 2007 manifesto. These actions are commensurate with the parties’ earlier commitment to preserve the independence of the judiciary as expressed in their Charter of Democracy in 2006. As a testament to this commitment, the PPP and PML-N have agreed, in their recent Bhurban declaration, that “the deposed judges would be restored, on the position as they were on Nov 2, 2007, within 30 days of the formation of the federal government through a parliamentary resolution.”
The coalition parties have now formed the government and set up a parliamentary committee to deal with the issue. As a concerned citizen and a member of the legal community, I would like to aid the parliamentary committee by proposing a resolution for discussion and debate by the public before its final adoption by the National Assembly. This process is intended to help in achieving a common goal through proactive participation rather than reactive protests later on if things do not work out as expected.
The so-called restoration or — more correctly stated — restitution of the ousted judges is essential for maintaining the independence of the judiciary. The judiciary’s independence is ingrained in our constitution and expounded by our courts. It is an integral part of the Objectives Resolution, which is a manifestation of the will of the people of Pakistan. Accordingly, the Constitution of 1973, like all the constitutions before it, lays down an independent structure for the superior judiciary. The respect that the constitution affords to the judiciary and the safeguards it introduces for the protection of its integrity and independence is evident from Article 63(1)(g), which stipulates that any person who acts in any manner prejudicial to the integrity or independence of or defames or brings into ridicule the judiciary may be disqualified from being elected or chosen as, and from being, a member of parliament.
The superior courts have endorsed the principle of the independence of the judiciary in a number of cases (Mehram Ali vs Federation of Pakistan (1998 PLD 1445) and Al-Jehad Trust vs Federation of Pakistan (1996 PLD 324) being amongst the most notable) and have held that the manner of appointment of judges and the security of their tenure forms the cornerstone of the independence of the judiciary.
Most recently, a full bench of the Supreme Court gave new impetus to the independence of the judiciary in its order in the matter of Chief Justice of Pakistan vs The President of Pakistan (2007 PLD 578). In this order, the full bench set aside, by a majority decision, the presidential reference against Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry, as well as the order of the president, March 9, 2007, and the order, of the same date, of the Supreme Judicial Council restraining the chief justice from acting either as the chief justice or even as a judge of the Supreme Court.
Pakistan is neither unique nor unusual in seeking to uphold the independence of its judiciary. In fact Pakistan is only now falling in step with the universally accepted principle of independence of the judiciary as enunciated in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the United Nations Basic Principles on the Independence of the Judiciary (1985), and the Bangalore Principles on Judicial Conduct (2002).
The United Nations Basic Principles on the Independence of the Judiciary, adopted by the Seventh United Nations Congress on the Prevention of Crime and the Treatment of Offenders (General Assembly Resolutions 40/32 of 29 November 1985 and 40/146 of 13 December 1985), require that the term of office of judges, their independence, security, remuneration, conditions of service, pension and age of retirement be adequately secured by law. These principles further require that the tenure of judges be guaranteed until the expiry of their term or until the judges’ reach a mandatory retirement age. The principles also mandate that in the event that a charge or complaint is brought against a judge in his judicial and professional capacity, it be processed expeditiously and fairly according to an appropriate procedure and stipulate that judges may be suspended or removed only for reasons of incapacity or behaviour that renders them unfit to discharge their duties.
In light of these legal principles, Gen Musharraf’s proclamation of emergency of Nov 3, 2007 was not merely unconstitutional but also contrary to established norms of civilised nations. The proclamation targeted the superior judiciary and made unsubstantiated allegations against it in order to remove non-compliant judges illegally. Neither the process nor the substance of the measures taken by the general can by any stretch of imagination be deemed valid.
Since the self-imposed president has admitted to the fact that the proclamation was an “extra-constitutional” measure, the Provisional Constitution Order No 1 of 2007, issued pursuant to the proclamation, requiring the then incumbent judges of the superior courts to be governed by and be subject to the Oath of Office (Judges) Order, 2007 and to refrain from passing any orders against the president or the prime minister, was equally beyond his legal power and scope of authority.
In order to protect these unconstitutional and illegal measures, the president purported to amend the constitution by an executive order. The Constitution (Second Amendment) Order, 2007 issued on 14 December 2007 is equally without legal merit even though the president and his advisers now argue — against all norms of constitutional jurisprudence — that this ‘amendment’ was part of the constitution when it was revived on Dec 15, 2007 by the Revocation of Proclamation of Emergency Order, 2007. Parliament has not ratified the proclamation, the PCO or the constitution amendment order. These instruments therefore do not have any validity in the eyes of the law notwithstanding the judgment of the de facto Supreme Court upholding the same in the cases of Tikka Iqbal Mohammad Khan vs General Pervez Musharraf and Watan Party vs Federation of Pakistan (PLD 2008 SC 6).
It is incumbent therefore on the parliamentarians to declare their commitment to establishing an order wherein the independence of the judiciary is secure; to ensure the separation of the judiciary from the executive and to afford the highest respect to the judiciary. It is imperative for them to further declare that the proclamation, PCO, Judges Oath Order and Constitutional Amendment Order are unconstitutional and void from the beginning and removal of judges in pursuance of these instruments is without legal force. On these grounds, the parliamentarians must mandate the concerned executive authority to facilitate the judges in returning to their posts.
This resolution will remedy not only the wrong done to the judges, but will respond to the need and desire of the entire nation. The parliamentarians’ courage and determination in adopting the proposed resolution will be Pakistan’s Magna Carta for its judiciary.
The writer, a former chairman of the Securities and Exchange Commission of Pakistan, is a lawyer based in Islamabad.
thassan@ijurist.org

