The Foreign Office (FO) on Monday castigated India’s Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) for “distorting” and “twisting” remarks made by Chief of Army Staff (COAS) Field Marshal Asim Munir during his recent visit to the United States.

Field Marshal Munir on Sunday completed his second high-profile trip to the US in less than two months. Like his previous visit, he engaged with both political and military leadership in the host country. In Tampa, Florida, the army chief attended the US Central Command’s (Centcom) change of command ceremony.

His most closely watched appearance came later at a black-tie dinner hosted by Adnan Asad, Pakistan’s honorary consul in Tampa. The event was attended by about 150 guests, including Interior Minister Mohsin Naqvi, Ambassador Rizwan Shaikh, embassy officials, and prominent members of the diaspora.

Comments Field Marshal Munir reportedly made at the event were later picked up and, according to the FO, distorted by Indian media outlets. Responding to Indian media reports, the MEA had said earlier today: “Our attention has been drawn to remarks reportedly made by the Pakistani COAS while on a visit to the US. Nuclear sabre-rattling is Pakistan’s stock-in-trade.

“The international community can draw its own conclusions on the irresponsibility inherent in such remarks, which also reinforce the well-held doubts about the integrity of nuclear command and control in a state where the military is hand-in-glove with terrorist groups.”

The MEA had also said that it was “regrettable” that the alleged remarks were “made from the soil of a friendly third country”.

In a terse response to the Indian MEA’s statement, the FO said: “Pakistan strongly rejects the immature remarks made by the Indian MEA earlier today, which is yet another demonstration of their chronic tendency to distorting facts and twisting statements out of context.

“The Indian narrative of an alleged ‘nuclear blackmail’ is a misleading and self-serving construct. Pakistan remains firmly opposed to the use or threat of use of force. India’s sabre-rattling and warmongering whenever confronted, invite unfounded allegations bereft of rationality.”

The FO said Pakistan was a responsible nuclear-weapon state with an “elaborate command and control structure under full civilian control” that had always exercised “discipline and restraint” while dealing with issues of such importance.

“Pakistan’s sustained and credible counterterrorism efforts are internationally acknowledged. Our security forces remain the bulwark against terrorism. The Indian MEA’s spurious insinuations are irresponsible and without a shred of evidence.

“We also note with concern a pointless reference to the third countries, in a bid to exert pressure on Pakistan. This not only reflects India’s lack of diplomatic confidence but also constitutes a futile attempt to unnecessarily involve other countries.”

The FO said that “contrary to India’s belligerent and jingoistic approach”, Pakistan would continue to act as a responsible member of the global community.

“However, any act of Indian aggression or violation of Pakistan’s sovereignty and territorial integrity will be met with an immediate and matching response. The onus of any ensuing escalation will rest squarely with the Indian leadership,” it warned.

The two countries had entered a brief but intense military escalation after India, without evidence, blamed Pakistan for the April 22 Pahalgam attack. On May 6–7, New Delhi launched air strikes that killed civilians, and the PAF downed six Indian jets in its response. After tit-for-tat strikes on each other’s airbases, it took American intervention on May 10 for both sides to finally reach a ceasefire.

Since India’s short but deadly conflict with Pakistan in May, New Delhi has been unhappy about Trump’s closeness with Islamabad and has protested, casting a shadow over trade talks. Despite former public displays of bonhomie between Trump and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, India has taken a slightly harder stance against the US in recent weeks.

Trump has repeatedly taken credit for the India-Pakistan ceasefire he announced on social media on May 10, but India disputes his claim that it resulted from his intervention and trade threats. Trump also hosted the army chief at the White House in the weeks following the conflict.

By declaring the Indian economy dead in the water, Trump has put Modi and his party in a bind. Until recently, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party was canvassing support for the US president’s election. Its supporters were holding special prayers and muttering mystical chants for Trump’s victory. There was at least one temple created where a sculptured image of Trump was worshipped.

But Trump has ignored the lavish praise and called out India’s energy imports from Russia and its tariff regime as non-negotiable.

The Indian government said it was trying to figure out a response by consulting all the “stakeholders”, a euphemism for angry businesses whose hopes were riding on Modi’s daring ability to play both sides of the street.

That appears to have hit a dead end as Trump last week imposed an additional 25 per cent tariff on Indian goods, citing New Delhi’s continued imports of Russian oil in a move that sharply escalated tensions between the two nations after trade talks reached a deadlock. The new import tax, set to come into place in three weeks, will raise duties on some Indian exports to as high as 50pc — among the highest levied on any US trading partner.