The scene is hilarious. Governments Punjab and Sindh are up in arms against each other which has done better in the matters of governance. Claims and counter claims. Fighting cocks raise a dust. Comparison between Lahore and Karachi is a bit unfair. Lahore has always been the leading city/capital of Punjab as it is organically linked with the land and the people.

Karachi has a different history. It’s a new city that rose from the coastal villages to prominence. Secondly, it has not always been the capital of Sindh. It had been a part of Qalat State of Balochistan, and Hyderabad served as Sindh’s capital. Lahore on the other hand has historically been loved and patronised by indigenous rulers and kings of foreign extraction. It was here that the great war of Dasarajna was fought, Rig-Vega tells us.

Lahore was the seat of power of Sultan Qutbuddin Aibak who died falling from a horse in a Chaugan (polo) match. It was a beloved city of Mughal royals. No Mughal king dared to do what their elder Babar had done to it; he allowed his troops to massacre Lahorites and raised the city to the ground. Baba Guru Nanak’s one verse can give you some measure of destruction: Lahore sheher, zahar qehir, swa peher (Lahore city in hours was a (pile) of poison and carnage).

Princes and princesses built beautiful gardens surrounding the city. It was internationally known as a city of plenty that blended history and mythology. Great European minds like Milton and Leviss Trauss glorified it.

Having no such background, Karachi is almost absent from collective Sindhi memory. It came into prominence after the emergence of Pakistan in 1947 as the country’s capital and the sole sea port. But the migration of Urdu speakers from Indian provinces created unforeseen problems. Most of them came in search of greener pastures. Political and cultural crises with long-ranging repercussions divided the province along the ethnic and linguistic lines. A demographic change became a nightmare for Sindhis as Karachi and some other towns came to be dominated by Mohajirs who as a majority group monopolised administration and other services with the active support of central government dominated by Urdu speakers. Sindhis rightly feared that they were being reduced to a minority in their historical homeland. First, Karachi was taken away from them and against their wishes declared capital of the country. The genesis of ethnic politics in Sindh is rooted in such a historical situation. Respite for the indigenous people came when the capital moved from Karachi to Islamabad in 1958. But by that time Mohajirs had a firm grip over the city. Being the sole port it was the biggest job market of the country. Tribals from the Pashtun belt started landing in the city in droves. They in fact built the city brick by brick. But they were the people who were unfamiliar with urban ways of life making the social and cultural life more complex. Punjabis and peoples from the country’s north did not lag behind. The city in fact became a microcosm of Pakistani society; it reflected its enriching diversity. But at the same time it became a source of divisive ethnic politics. Each ethnic group wanted power. Main contenders were (still are) Sindhis and Mohajirs. Pathans entered the race later. But Sindhis were a minority in the city because of demographic changes which took place in the wake of the Partition and migration.

Mohajirs emerged as a dominant group but Sindhis had overall majority due to interior Sindh where non-Sindhis were far and few. In any political set-up, democratic or quasi-democratic, Sindhis come into power and run the government to the chagrin of other groups. But the leaders and representatives from interior Sindh are landlords and feudals contemptuous of democratic life. More importantly they remain distant from Karachi and its problems because of its ethnic composition. It is treated as a milch cow by the Sindhi governing elite. (Federal government is no different).

Karachi is controlled by the Sindh government, federal government and some other federal departments. They reap benefits from their fiefdoms but don’t invest in them. Since these entities do not plan things together nor act in unison the result is hardly satisfactory. Karachites rightly claim that no one takes the ownership of the metropolitan. Broken infrastructure, overflowing sewers, garbage piles along what were once roads, ramshackle mid-20th century transport and sprawling slums are what now defines Karachi which earns huge taxes and offers jobs to the people from all over Pakistan. It’s in fact, in the words of late Iftekhar Jalib, a unique poet, the most poor-friendly city.

The recent shouting match between the Sindh government and Punjab sarkar over which has better governance record is pathetic, to say the least. The Sindh government’s shrill voice tries to hide its miserable performance despite its 17 years continuous rule. But slogans can hardly conceal its ugly features that reek of corruption and incompetence. And Punjab sarkar flaunts its development projects to assuage fears created by dwindling public support for Pakistan Muslim League (N). Economic difficulties have alienated people from the party which had a massive electoral base. The effort in Sindh and Punjab is being made to distract people’s attention from the real issues that have made their life miserable. — soofi01@hotmail.com

Published in Dawn, October 13th, 2025