The law on defection is clear and leaves no room for ambiguity.
Ahmed Bilal Mehboob
There are four serious flaws in the process of preparing, passing and implementing the annual budget.
Neither the presidential nor the parliamentary form of government is a guarantee against instability.
A raise in the MPAs’ salaries should be allowed.
The failure to fill the ECP vacancies can be attributed to the PM’s reluctance to talk to the opposition leader.
At the heart of a production order is people’s right to be represented in parliament by their elected lawmaker.
Parliament’s first six months will be remembered more for the bitter, ongoing feud between the PTI and the opposition.
One may argue that there is good reason for not formally inducting the judiciary into such dialogues.
With changing times and the advent of new technologies, legislatures need to reinvent themselves.
If parliamentary proceedings are to be meaningful, the leadership will have to lead by example.
The relatively small number of politicians in the NAB accountability cycle is perhaps no consolation.
Committees in any parliament are considered to be the latter’s eyes, ears and even brain.
The polls seem to indicate that voters have not been swayed by the incumbency factor.
A ruling party, like the present one, has coalition partners and they have to be kept in good humour.
The complaints of the political parties need to be seriously investigated.
International observers seldom pass judgement on the integrity of an election.
The practice is common in democracies which have yet to establish the credibility of their institutions.
An overhaul of constitutional provisions relating to caretaker set-ups was undertaken by the 18th Amendment.
Why can’t we allow the elected government to continue during the poll period in caretaker mode?
Given our past poll history, will Pakistan be able to prevent interference in the next general election?