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A couple of years before his death, the legendary Urdu poet Ahmed Faraz visited his native Kohat district to attend a mushaira. Addressing a gathering of old friends, Ahmed Faraz became sentimental while requesting them not to bury him in his ancestral graveyard after his death.
This announcement reflected an emotional outcry from a poet. But there was something more to it. Ahmed Faraz was angry at the official order to demolish the Jinnah Municipal Library in Kohat. The 50-year-old spacious building had long served as an institution to keep literary traditions alive. Poets, artists and book lovers would throng its reading room and sit in its lawns. Literary functions were its special feature in the evening. Many literary gurus of national and international repute groomed here to contribute latter to the body of art and literature.
Such credentials could hardly convince the Tehsil Municipal administration to reconsider its decision. The officialdom was bent on constructing a shopping centre to replace the colonial-style structure, which stood on a valued commercial land in the heart of Kohat city. Despite protests, the library was demolished and replaced with a multi-storied Jinnah Commercial Plaza.
How could Ahmed Faraz have let himself be buried in a city, which was robbed so unceremoniously of its virtual cultural centre? It is strange, by any civilised standard, to imagine that the one-million population of Kohat district is still living without any decent public library.
This apathy is evident throughout Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Only seven public libraries are operational in 24 districts of the province. Set up in 1924, the oldest municipal library in Peshawar was dislocated four times after partition. Finally, it was shifted into a small portion located in a marriage hall, which was constructed in late 1980s with library funds. “When it concerns libraries, Changez Khan and our rulers are the same. The former destroyed libraries by putting them to torch while the latter are doing the same by being indifferent towards them,” said one of the employees. At one point, there were over 15 reading rooms in different parts of the city. The one in Bilal town was turned into a temporary police picket, while the plight of the rest was no different.
Since the time of British Raj, the concept of public libraries, reading rooms, town halls and public parks – officially called Company Bagh– was promoted in almost every district of the subcontinent. Such ventures were meant to provide breathing space to the common folk. In actuality, the birth of liberal literary traditions was the indirect outcome of this official farsightedness.
The urbanised tradition of a 'café culture' is a case in point. Saeed Café in Kohat, Café Khyber and Aleg Cafes in Peshawar and most particularly Pak Tea House in Lahore, to name few such places, had long served as informal literary institutions in their respective areas. Scholarly figures, irrespective of their caste, colour and creed, would huddle together to carry out intellectual debates at such places.
Faiz Ahmed Faiz, Faraz Ahmed Faraz, Saadat Hassan Minto, Ibn-e-Insha, Mir Abdul Samad Khan, Ayub Sabir, Taha Khan and many more had remained actively associated with such literary gatherings. “No university could have contributed as effectively to quality socialisation as they did," said Arif Bukhari, a poet. More importantly, such informal associations had played vital in transmitting shared intellectual heritage from one generation to another. Apparently, though, a strong wave of commercialism has eaten up many healthy traditions. Informal literary institutions are no exception. Many such progressive spots, which otherwise deserved preservation, were turned into restaurant and fast food joints.
However, real damage was done during the martial law imposed by Ziaul Haq, when secular and pluralistic trends were considered a threat. This change in official “vision” has gradually plagued the concept of public welfare. At present, the unchecked land grabbing meant for parks, recreation centers, and playgrounds is one extreme of it; while tagging liberal traditions with obscenity is another. So much so, that civic amenities have lost its real meanings. “Neither do common folk demand, nor policy makers consider them a public need at all,” said a civil official.
The sprawling culture of township schemes have translated this indifference in a more blatant way. To start with, not a single public library has been set up in the seven extended phases of Hayatabad town Peshawar, the largest residential scheme in the province. In 1995, work on a planetarium was initiated but lack of funds spoiled the project meant to introduce the younger generation to space flights and navigation. On the contrary, hardly a hundred yards away from the planetarium, the white-marbled Zarghoni Mosque offers a contrasting look. This led many to frowningly compare the increasing number of luxurious mosques with the poor state of public amenities.
Billions of US dollars and Saudi Riyals that were poured into the country directly played a vital role in fanning radicalism in Pakistan. Hence, libraries located in the British Council, the Iranian Consulate, the United States Information Centre and the French Cultural Centre were closed down for fear of insecurity in Peshawar.
Performing arts in the NWFP had already ended with the MMA coming to power in 2002. Nashtar Hall, the only standard auditorium for common people, was inaugurated a couple of years ago but was only used to host official functions. Similarly, the Aga Khan Auditorium, the only place where films could be screen on the campus of Peshawar University, has been closed for the last 25 years.
Something more tragic happened last year when a group of IJT students allegedly beat to death, a fellow engineering student for listening to loud music in his hostel room. This is the third incident where a student has fallen victim to growing intolerance on campuses.
Some may ask as to why our liberal elites would not support pluralism, tolerance and shared liberal values in the society. Cynics believe that ruling establishment in any ‘ideological state’ consider radical forces as their asset. They draw mainly from liberal values and institutions, but prefer to invest in radical mindsets. The former is considered a weakness and the later is looked upon as strength—defender of ideology. In his classic work Culture and Imperialism, Edward Said reflects more clearly on this notion saying, “The ideological concern over identity is understandably entangled with the interests and agendas of various groups that wish to set priorities reflecting these interests.”
Ruling elite in Pakistan needs to reconsider their priorities. So far now they have been promoting radicalization at the cost of a public good. This has, consciously or unconsciously, done great damage to society. Life without liberal spaces, secular trends and pluralistic traditions is hardly a normal exercise.
