GILGIT-Baltistan plunged once again into violence on Tuesday. A number of people were killed and injured when a grenade was reportedly lobbed at an Ahle Sunnat Wal Jamaat (formerly Sipah-i-Sahaba Pakistan) rally in Gilgit. Supporters of the ‘banned’ party were demanding the release of a detained leader. Though curfew was imposed rivals continued to trade fire, while there were reports of the violence spreading to Chilas. Tension had been simmering in the region for the past few days, as sectarian clashes had occurred on Sunday. It seems that Tuesday’s attack was only a trigger and considering the region’s troubled history the situation has the potential to deteriorate much further.

The underdeveloped area, otherwise known for its stunning natural beauty and towering peaks, is rarely discussed on the national stage. Communal tensions first emerged in Gilgit-Baltistan during the 1970s, when the princely states were abolished and amalgamated into the Northern Areas. This process, along with the opening of the Karakoram Highway in the mid-1980s, initiated demographic changes as the inhabitants’ traditional way of life began to disappear and ‘settlers’ from other parts of Pakistan started arriving in the area. However, the sectarian conflict in this Shia- and Ismaili-majority region did not reach its current, bloody proportions until the late 1980s when — under Gen Zia’s watch — sectarian and jihadi elements were introduced into the area. Communal relations have nosedived since, with periods of uneasy calm sandwiched between regular cycles of deadly violence similar to what we are seeing now.

Though the region has enjoyed a degree of autonomy since 2009, the local administration has failed to establish order, while Islamabad — specifically the security establishment — has let the lava of communal tension flow freely. This is a matter of grave concern, especially considering that Gilgit-Baltistan is located in a strategically sensitive area. As elsewhere in the country, the state bears primary responsibility for keeping the peace and ensuring troublemakers don’t fan the flames of sectarian hatred, especially after the recent Kohistan bus attack in which a number of Gilgiti Shias were killed. The area’s religious leaders must promote tolerance. Yet if the state does not clamp down on violence, radicals from the Shia and Sunni communities will be calling the shots, rendering the clerics irrelevant. That would be a disturbing development and its fallout could inflame communal sentiments elsewhere in the country. The state needs to pay due attention to Gilgit-Baltistan, specifically its law and order situation, and heal the region’s wounds, which have been festering for decades. This is essential for maintaining communal harmony not only in the area, but throughout Pakistan.