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DAWN - the Internet Edition


February 01, 2009 Sunday Safar 05, 1430


Editorial


Mumbai investigation
With clipped wings
SIM verification
OTHER VOICES - Indian Press
Emptied of its poetry
Recession deepens in US



Mumbai investigation


IN setting up a three-member FIA investigation team to scrutinise the Indian dossier on the Mumbai attacks, the government had shown a degree of maturity and the beginnings of an institutionalised response to one of the most serious issues it has had to confront. However, while we must wait until the government’s report is published to comment on its contents, problems regarding the government’s ability to conduct the process smoothly have unfortunately already become evident. The Pakistan high commissioner to the UK Wajid Shamsul Hassan has needlessly — and wrongly, according to Prime Minister Gilani — waded into the issue by stating that the Pakistani investigators have concluded that the Mumbai attacks were not planned in Pakistan or the UK. Shamsul Hassan did not clarify where he believed the attacks were in fact planned because the UK and Pakistan are “the two places [he is] concerned about”, thereby implying the Mumbai attacks are not his problem anymore. However, while the high commissioner’s brief certainly only covers the UK and Pakistan, his comments on a matter that has sparked a grave crisis between India and Pakistan and put Pakistan under immense international pressure are remarkably cavalier. A bemused Prime Minister Gilani was reduced to telling an Indian news channel, “He (Shamsul Hassan) can’t comment at the moment when the prime minister can’t comment.”

Surprisingly, it appears that some members of the current set-up have still not understood that conflicting or premature statements on important issues fan the flames of suspicion against Pakistan. The state’s response to the Mumbai attacks is a severe test of its credibility, competence and responsibility in the eyes of the international community. It is now an established fact that the lone surviving gunman is Pakistani and there is little doubt that some among Pakistan’s motley crew of militants have the motive to plan such an attack. So while one of the principles of justice is that every individual is innocent until proven guilty, the political reality is that Pakistan must prove that it is genuine in its effort to defeat the militants and terrorists. At one level, that means conducting diplomacy skilfully and managing public relations adroitly — something the government has failed to do so far.

Consider the much-awaited Pakistani report. First, Interior Adviser Rehman Malik promised the FIA investigation would be complete in 10 days, but this did not happen. Now the interior adviser has stated that a ‘preliminary report’ has been prepared but that it must be ‘vetted’ by the law ministry. What all of this ‘non-news’ does is build anxiety among the public and create apprehensions in the Indian government. The best thing for the government to do would be to quickly release a thorough and credible report.

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With clipped wings


IN 2007, Tony Blair was appointed by the Quartet as a special envoy for the Middle East but amazing as it sounds his terms of reference included everything except securing Israel’s withdrawal from the occupied territories and working for the emergence of a sovereign Palestinian state. The appointment of Richard Holbrooke, one of America’s most seasoned diplomats, as a special envoy for Afghanistan and Pakistan and related issues may have kindled some hopes in Islamabad, because he was the man behind the intricate negotiations leading to the Dayton agreement that ended the Bosnia war. Last week, the State Department announced that Kashmir would not be part of the Holbrooke brief. How come?

Even before he was sworn in as America’s 44th president, Barack Obama had called for a Kashmir settlement, because a Kashmir solution would enable Islamabad to concentrate on its western border and pay undivided attention to the fight against the Taliban. India felt disturbed, first over Obama’s keenness on a Kashmir settlement and later by the suggestion that a special envoy for South Asia, i.e. including India, would be appointed. This was a red rag to India, which now seems to have scored a diplomatic success by having both India and Kashmir dropped from Holbrooke’s mission. Determined to hang on to Kashmir, India has consistently opposed mediation by a third party, even if it is a country like the US which through a landmark agreement gave New Delhi access to civilian nuclear technology.

It is significant to note that even if India and Kashmir are not part of Holbrooke’s mission, the US diplomat will in any case be called upon to deal with Indo-Pakistan tensions because of India’s controversial role in Afghanistan. Seen in the larger context one cannot but recall Benazir Bhutto’s warning to the world community that peace in South Asia was hostage to terrorism. Mumbai has proved her right. Pakistan and India have fought thrice over Kashmir. This threat will always be there, so long as a Kashmir settlement is outstanding. Detaching Kashmir from Holbrooke’s brief will only mean preventing America’s point man in the region from playing his due role in removing the single biggest cause of tension between the two nuclear-armed neighbours. Expecting harmony between Pakistan and India without a Kashmir settlement is like hoping for peace in the Middle East without an Israeli withdrawal from Gaza and West Bank and the emergence of a Palestinian state.

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SIM verification


THE choice between security and privacy is difficult to make in a country like Pakistan. Saddled with a law and order situation that is perpetually worsening, the government tends to prefer security over privacy. The latest evidence of this is the requirement of official SIM verification before people can use their new cellphone connections. Aimed at checking the use of modern technology for criminal and terrorist purposes, it is neither clear whether it can achieve the stated purpose nor whether adequate safeguards have been put in place to prevent the misuse of the data so gathered.

Starting today, the government has ordered cellphone companies not to issue pre-activated SIM cards. They can only sell inactive SIM cards which are activated after Nadra confirms that the user is a bona fide applicant. The registration process is meant to make it easier to trace suspects who use cellphones for criminal activities. But there are serious question marks regarding the efficacy of the registration system. By mid-November, after a six-month exercise to register and vet all existing SIM cards, the cellphone operators blocked 11.15 million SIM cards that did not match Nadra’s records. However, the CPLC chief in Karachi, Sharfuddin Memon, has claimed that it has had no effect on kidnapping-for-ransom cases. Senator Talha Mahmood, chairman of the standing committee on the interior, has suggested the likely reason: “We are not ready to believe that all SIMs sold on fake information have been blocked or even traced.” Unless the government can fully ensure that neither the cellphone operators nor Nadra activate SIM cards with unverified data, the use of such SIM cards by criminals will remain a possibility — and defeat the purpose of the registration.

Meanwhile, data on law-abiding citizens with cellphones is now centralised and computerised, which runs the risk of it falling into unscrupulous hands. From the commercial exploiters, such as telemarketers, to law enforcement personnel looking to harass and snoop on citizens, the threats are very real. The government must ensure that the cellphone database is secure from those looking to profit from it.

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OTHER VOICES - Indian Press


The Hindu

Time for disclosure

TRANSPARENCY within the judiciary serves at least two important purposes — it decreases the opportunities for corrupt practices and promotes public confidence in the institution. Given these vital roles, it is surprising that there should be stiff judicial resistance to making public whether members of the higher judiciary are submitting declarations about their financial assets as they are expected to. Such declarations after all were supposed to be made to the Chief Justice of India and the chief justices of the respective high courts in accordance with a 1997 resolution adopted at an all-India judges conference. Against this background, it is inexplicable that the Supreme Court should block the Central Information Commission’s order asking it to provide this information to an applicant under the Right to Information Act. The court’s decision to challenge the order in the Delhi High Court — high courts are the final court of appeal under the RTI Act — is both unprecedented and, under the circumstances, quite unnecessary. It would have been far more sagacious had the court simply made the information — which the CIC rightly described as “innocuous” — available. As the CIC order pointed out, the appellant was not seeking details of the declared assets but just “the simple information as to whether any such declaration of assets etc. has ever been filed by the judges of the Supreme Court or high courts”.

Why is a Supreme Court that held that people have the right to know the financial assets of MPs and MLAs at the time of filing nominations so reluctant to answer even this limited question? The court’s appeal is based on the contention that the disclosure of assets by judges to the Chief Justice of India is voluntary and not mandated by any law. Moreover, the office of the CJI cannot be construed as a public authority under the RTI Act. The thrust of the appeal suggests a general anxiety over a larger question — if and to what extent the standards of information disclosure mandated by parliament are applicable to the judiciary. This is a complex issue that needs to be settled to ensure transparency even while safeguarding judicial independence. Transparency and accountability in the judiciary, however, are larger issues that go well beyond the question of the applicability of the RTI Act. Since he assumed office, Chief Justice of India K.G. Balakrishnan has earned a well-deserved reputation of being responsive to public and professional concerns. He needs to ensure that not just the answer to the question whether all the judges have declared their assets but also the details of the assets themselves are placed in the public domain. Such transparency will enhance the credibility of the judiciary as an institution. — (Jan 31)

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Emptied of its poetry


By Shaheen Sardar Ali

‘Da Malakand da sar tootee wai, pa ohr sati wai Kho Tohmati na wai Mayana’

(Were that I could become a carefree parrot perched on the peak of the Malakand mountains … that angry flames would burn me…not this stigmatised betrayer of my people).

THIS impassioned cry of remorse exhorting release from the burden of having betrayed one’s people expressed in the tapa above, is one of the most haunting expressions of regret and guilt in Pushto poetry.

Part of a rich oral narrative, the poem records the battle of Malakand where local tribes fought to protect the homeland against the British colonisers. Sadly, as we all know, it is never in our power to turn back the clock of history. Confessions of betrayal, guilt, treachery, negligence and remorse often come too late and more often, never. The heart-wrenching plea of the betrayer, echoing in the wild olive groves of the Malakand mountains, may perhaps be a solitary one. Tales of betrayal spurred by greed for money, power and social status changing into deep regret, are few and far between.

Self-reflection, soul-searching and learning from our mistakes is not a common trait, least of all among those who have tasted the sumptuous and disgustingly lavish interiors of the corridors of power. Had that been an instinct, our history books would contain chapters on lessons learnt from the secession of East Pakistan, repetitive insurgency in Balochistan, successive military interventions to rule the country and causes leading thereto.

In these times of economic, political and ideological turmoil, our elected representatives would not have voted to enhance their emoluments when internally displaced people from Swat and Fata were dying of hunger, cold, and ill health, and shivering for their lives in tattered tents.

Had we learnt our lessons in honesty and sincerity, I would not be asking the question: when was the last time, if ever, that the president, PM, CM, governor et al visited this strife-torn valley to send a signal of solidarity to the people and the much-trumpeted ‘writ of government’? (One wonders why all the suicide bombings and rocket attacks in Iraq and Afghanistan failed to keep Messrs Blair and Bush from visiting their troops. Yet, our leaders, firm believers that life is in the hands of Allah and only He can give and take it away, shy away from visiting Swat and Fata, a part of their own country.)

I am particularly reminded of this tapa as I sit here trying to make sense of the tragedy, destruction and misery that has become Swat resulting from direct and indirect betrayal by those in positions of power and authority. Failing one’s people comes in a myriad shades and denominations. It includes what we ought to have done, could have done and would have done to address the situation but did not do. Sitting on the fence while people and country fall apart is just as culpable as actively contributing to the chaos and turmoil wrought on innocent people. Using Swat and Fata as examples for our foreign masters that if the dollars fail to come thick and fast a religious militant regime will gobble the country, is just as criminal, if not worse.

Why else do we waste precious time in endless meetings to discuss strategies while homes are destroyed, women, men and children killed, maimed and disabled for life. If our own homes were under fire, our own children killed, God forbid, or in danger of being taken away from us, would we sit in sarkari safe houses and engage in sagely analysis and hair-splitting about hidden foreign hands, monthly salaries of militants and the likely budget of their terrorist operations etc, but not do anything about it?

I am afraid I am not entirely convinced that our enemy is solely the so-called religious militant operating in the name of Islam. Multiple actors, state and non-state, are at play, taking advantage of a fearful, harassed, and insecure population that looks around and finds no presence of the state of Pakistan or any of its institutions of governance.

But now, our bleeding wounds and weeping eyes have washed the wool off our trusting gaze. We Swatis realise that we were chosen for destruction, not by any other but our very own, a laboratory for testing a bomb called ‘strategic depth à la religious bigotry’. The blatant lies fed by half-hearted minions declaring that ‘the government will not allow anyone to challenge its writ’; or the ridiculous statement ‘all girls’ schools in Swat will soon open’ add insult to injury. The deep anguish of betrayal by one’s own; abandonment by those towards whom thousands of tearful eyes looked for protection, is written large on the broken hearts and traumatised souls of the forsaken Swati, young and old, rich and poor, dead, dying or alive.

We ask: why would anyone want to blow up schools in Swat or anywhere else and who would be heartless and soulless enough to plunder the place and sell, brick by brick, the remains of those destroyed buildings? Who could be so brutal and savage as to chop off human heads and display them at crossroads, hanging from poles and in the streets?

Who would terrorise men, women and children forcing them to flee their homes and hearths, leaving them exposed and vulnerable to the biting cold winter? Who would be so callous as to ignore these travesties and pretend they are either not happening or present it simply as a grand and gory conspiracy against the democratically elected government of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan and its elitist rulers? Who would ruthlessly brush aside the genocide of the Pakhtun nation by arguing that there were other more important calls on their time and attention … such as ‘buying’ and ‘selling’ people’s representatives, transferring civil servants to display control over governmental institutions not to mention juvenile acts of attempted government toppling?

In a coalition government of the ANP/PPP, who is it that chooses to spare leaders of one coalition partner while mercilessly killing leaders of the other. Why is it that those who decide to remain in Swat and brave the wrath of the destroyers, do not receive wholehearted army and government support to defend themselves and their homeland?

Perhaps we Swatis have to acquire the skill of raising our voices above the screaming sirens of ambulances carrying dead and dying people towards Saidu Hospital as well as the deafening sound of strafing, shelling and low-flying helicopters, in order to be heard in the corridors of power. Peshawar and Islamabad are simply too far away and our voices too feeble with fear, hunger and hurt pride and dignity. I wonder if many years later, will anyone ever muster the courage, dignity and honesty to recall their roles of commission and omission, wrench their trembling hands in agony and repeat, Da Malakand da sar tootee wai……

The writer is a professor of law, University of Warwick, UK.

s.s.ali@warwick.ac.uk

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Recession deepens in US


By Andrew Clark

THE American economy shrank at its fastest pace since 1982 during the final quarter of last year amid a worsening slump in activity described as a “disaster” by President Barack Obama.

The US commerce department said gross domestic product, which measures total output of goods and services, plummeted at an annualised rate of 3.8 per cent in the three months to December. Consumption of durable goods such as cars and furniture plunged by 22.8 per cent. Overall consumer spending dropped 3.5 per cent.

Speaking at the White House as he launched a taskforce on aiding the middle classes, President Obama described the contraction as “a continuing disaster for America’s working families”.

“The recession is deepening and the urgency of our economic crisis is raw,” said Obama, who noted that US unemployment claims had reached their highest level on record.

The fall in GDP, which followed a third-quarter drop of 0.5 per cent, was less severe than economists had expected with many forecasting a contraction of 5.4 per cent. Experts said the slower decline was due to a rise in stocks on shops’ shelves as businesses struggled to cut output. “The consumption side of the equation is the worst we’ve seen since the 1960s and there’s no evidence that things are getting any better,” said Steve Ricchiuto, chief economist at Mizuho Securities in New York.

Although the figure marks the first time in the present slowdown that the US economy has declined for two consecutive quarters, many pundits, including the National Bureau of Economic Research, believe that a recession truly started in late 2007 and is likely to last for much of this year.

Brian Bethune, chief US financial economist at IHS Global Insight, said all indications point to a recession of at least 15 to 16 months. “In terms of depth, it’s going to be comparable to what we’ve seen in relatively deep recessions of 1982 and 1975.”

For the whole of 2008, America’s gross domestic product rose by 1.3 per cent, the slowest pace of growth since 2001 when the economy expanded by 0.8 per cent.

— The Guardian, London

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