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| May 02, 2008 | Friday | Rabi-us-Sani 25, 1429 |
Oil price hike
Fate in choppy waters
OTHER VOICES - Pushto Press
Essence of Islamic system
Decolonising social policy
IN present times the establishment of an Islamic state is a rallying cry for many Muslims described as Islamists or Islamic extremists. They assert that monarchies and dictatorial regimes are against the basic Islamic concepts.
CONTROLLING the definition of what was essentially a subjugated culture; the colonisers reserve the power to distinguish authentic aspects of the living traditions of the colonised. If the colonised argue political demands by reference to their culture, the colonisers are quick to adjudicate what is genuine in such claims. — Fannon, 1967
WEDNESDAY brought with it a palpable sense of relief in urban Sindh as it finally became official that the MQM was indeed linking its lot with the PPP. After considerable vacillation that was entirely in character, Mr Altaf Hussain’s party ultimately agreed to a power-sharing formula in Sindh, ostensibly to “continue the process of national reconciliation”. In exchange for its cooperation the MQM received a large share in the provincial cabinet, a return that seems uncommonly generous given that the PPP has a comfortable majority in the Sindh Assembly. As far as numbers go and the power to legislate is concerned, it can clearly do without any further strengthening of the treasury benches. Yet the PPP has chosen to bring the MQM on board, even at the risk of ruffling feathers within its provincial leadership and party cadres. The head of the PPP’s negotiating team may claim that “ministries have no importance” for his party and “it is the spirit of reconciliation that matters most”, but it is widely believed that the patch-up is at least partly a hedge against a possible falling out with the PML-N. Also, and for this prudence the PPP is to be commended, there is probably the realisation that business as usual is next to impossible in urban Sindh without the cooperation of the MQM.
It is for this reason that the PPP-MQM deal is being welcomed even by those not entirely comfortable with the ethos of the latter. For reasons that are never fully discussed in the media, Sindh’s troubles tend to see an upsurge whenever the MQM is not in power. The MQM may attribute the phenomenon to brutal victimisation and its detractors might claim wilful sabotage. Irrespective of who is right, the undeniable ‘reality’ of the MQM, as Mr Altaf Hussain likes to describe his party’s popularity with the urban electorate, is accepted by all rational people across the province. Seen against this backdrop it is understandable why the on-again, off-again negotiations of the last few weeks were causing considerable anxiety, particularly in the business community. Quite naturally, ordinary citizens too just want to get on with life and make a living as best they can. There is enough insecurity in Sindh as it is.
It is also hoped the deal will finally end the business of government formation and that the task of governance, a more pressing concern from the citizen’s point of view, will now be attended to in earnest. Foremost among public concerns at this time are rampant food inflation, the electricity crisis, water shortages and seemingly unstoppable crime in both urban and rural Sindh. Clearly there is no shortage of problems for the provincial government to sink its teeth into and help sort out on a priority basis.
THE government raised the price of petrol by three rupees per litre on Wednesday — the fourth increase in three months. This time around, the price of kerosene has mercifully not been touched, though the fuel that fires the hearths of the poor was not spared in the past three upward revisions. The quick increases in the price of petroleum products reflect the government’s anxiety to arrest the budgetary shortfall which is estimated to rise to Rs557bn by the end of June. Finance Minister Ishaq Dar told the Senate Committee on Finance that oil subsidy would gobble up Rs157bn, 10 times the budgetary allocation of Rs15bn. The culprit, doubtless, is the price of crude which hovers at $120 a barrel in the international market. But more at fault is the response of the previous government to the global oil price rise, which has not come in a day. Politics dominated economics, as the people in power capped the local fuel prices so as not to upset the public, ahead of the general elections.
Now that Minister Dar is determined to pass on the Rs18-20 per litre subsidy on diesel to the consumers, in order to cushion a big hit on the oil bill which is expected to reach Rs15bn by the end of June, the burden has become a little too heavy to bear for the common man who is already groaning under the pressure of food inflation. The industry has also had to take a hit, due to escalation in oil prices. Both have reasons to complain. Several options are reported to be under consideration to mitigate the impact of rising crude prices. The government is mulling over the idea of approaching brotherly Arab countries, particularly Saudi Arabia, with a request to supply oil at concessional rates. Other steps believed to be under review include discouraging consumer financing by financial institutions for use of private vehicles, which would hopefully, reduce the consumption of oil. And finally, ‘oil bonds’ could be issued to state-run retailers, as was done by India to compensate them for losses caused by selling fuel oil at below the market rates. But what is worrying is the ad hoc approach adopted to economic policy. How else would one describe reports that the country was importing as well as exporting petrol, in keeping with short-term needs without a long-term policy perspective? Under such circumstances, it may not be feasible to float an ‘oil bond’ the modalities and marketing of which can only be worked out in the context of a stable economic policy.
IT is ironic how Pakistani jails could not be further away from being reformatories. They are more like abattoirs where human lives and rights are flouted with impunity. With each passing moment, countless lives are either lost or forgotten in their grim recesses; although some lucky ones are rediscovered, it is often too late for these prisoners to make another attempt at living. Take the heartbreaking case of 17-year-old Narendra, now a patient of full blown Aids. He was finally released and flown home after spending many months in Karachi’s juvenile jail after he was hauled up with five others for illegal fishing in Pakistani waters. Once a significant breadwinner for his hopelessly impoverished family in India, Narendra may have been keen to reunite with his loved ones, but given his frailty, he can now do precious little for them. According to a report in this newspaper, there are some 470 Indian fishermen in Pakistani jails with 30 juvenile Indian fishermen. Across the border, more than 150 Pakistani fisherfolk continue to fester in prisons. In February, the Pakistan Fisherfolk Forum had discovered 55 fishermen in Indian jails who went missing 13 years ago and were given up for dead.
The Pakistan Maritime Security Force maintains that innumerable fisherfolk are arrested and their boats impounded for repeated violations of crossing Pakistan’s exclusive economic zone (EEZ). However, it is a wonder that their inadvertent straying into Pakistani waters is labelled a ‘violation’ despite the fact that the demarcation line — near the disputed strip of Sir Creek between the two countries — remains undefined and murky to date. How is it then a ‘crime’ of colossal proportions which spells near death or oblivion without a sentence? It cannot be viewed as much more than a petty offence that merits nothing more than deportation or a fine as these are poor, uneducated people who can hardly make a killing by ‘purposefully’ losing their way. After all, a degree of clemency is the least the two governments can extend to their underprivileged millions.
Huge grants for Taliban
Tolafghan, Kabul
THE government of Pakistan has given millions of rupees to the Taliban and their families in Waziristan to compensate for the losses that the Taliban and their various commanders have incurred in recent conflicts. Last year, Taliban commander Mullah Nazir fought Uzbek militants alongside the Pakistani security forces. Together, they forced the foreigners out of the area while the
Taliban and the government of Pakistan patched up.
The BBC Urdu website has quoted a Pakistani official who wanted to remain anonymous. According to the BBC source, the government of Pakistan has paid some Rs200m to the Taliban to compensate for the dead and wounded in which each wounded got some Rs50,000 while the compensatory amount for the dead was Rs250,000.
The source has divulged that Mullah Nazir has taken some Rs250,000 and Rs295,000 respectively for his dead brothers Abdul Aziz and Muhammad Umar. Likewise, other commanders such as Meta Khan for his sister, Noor Salam for his son, Ghazi Marjan and Maulvi Abbas for their wives have taken Rs500,000 each.
According to the BBC, money was offered in compensation for the killing of Taliban commander Nek Mohammad in Waziristan but his family refused to take it. According to the website, the family of Nek Mohammad argued that he was a well-known commander and so the government of Pakistan must pay more than Rs500,000 in compensation. — (April 30)
Mardan bomb blast
Hewad, Peshawar
THE democratic government of Pakistan wants to resolve the issue of peace through dialogue and enter into agreements with warring factions in order to resolve the issue once and for all. But the bomb blast in Mardan and the responsibility claimed by the Taliban have raised several questions in the minds of the people. On the one hand, the government claims considerable progress in the dialogue process … the government has just released a prominent militant figure, Maulana Sufi Mohammad. On the other hand, there are still incidents of sabotage undertaken by certain quarters. This clearly shows that there are still people who are active in hindering peace in the Pashtun belt.
It is true that the process of dialogue always brings about a solution to many conflicts, but it is also significant to see who is eligible for dialogue.… It is also important to keep in mind the real issues and to see who is responsible for these issues. The foundations of dialogue must be made clear in the minds of the parties in government.
Talks with armed militants in the Pashtun belt, including Fata, should not be allowed to make the militants powerful. The people of the region should be taken into confidence while entering into a dialogue with the militants because the people are the real owners of the land. The government should always keep the rule of law in consideration while talking to armed militants. — (April 27)
Individual, citizen, community, country, society, nation, state and sovereignty are concepts that have evolved through ages to establish the relationship between people, places and authority. These concepts have changed along with the social conditions and intellectual development of human beings. The Islamic concept in this regard is valid for all people and places.
Its eternal value is based on the principles that act as guideline to facilitate the evolutionary process of man’s development and progress. It gives eminence to those who adopt its principles. The aim and purpose of an Islamic system is the establishment, maintenance and development of those virtues which the Creator wishes human life to be enriched by and the prevention and eradication of those evils which He finds abhorrent.
The Islamic state is intended neither solely as an instrument of political administration, nor for fulfilment of the collective will of any particular set or group of people. The individual and the state combine their efforts to achieve the ideal qualities of goodness, virtue, beauty, purity, success, mutual respect and prosperity in accordance with the Divine Revelation. They fight injustice, corruption, falsehood, intolerance, bigotry and extremism of all types. They can adopt this progressive system of life that embraces all that is good, promotes the well-being of humanity and avoids that which is evil and harmful to humanity at large. Furthermore, the Divinely inspired system of life is fully sustainable and durable.
The Divine rules practically mean following His laws. No one has the authority to make any changes in the Divine Code, not even the Messengers.’ Judge the matters of these people according to the Book of Allah’ (5:48) declare openly that it is not for me to make any changes therein according to my wishes’ (10:15).
The Messengers were the first to submit to the Divine code. In such a system there would neither be a ruler nor any ruled. We must remember that Muhammad (SAW) never called himself a ruler, king or monarch, although he had authority over a million square miles. After him the system remained operative through the Caliphs and obedience to them meant obedience to the Divine Code.
In an Islamic system of governance the scales of justice have to be established in the light of the Divine laws. A person who, when, violating the law thinks that no one is watching or thinks that he can bribe his way out or use influence to sway judgment and escape punishment, does not believe in God.
An Islamic government can only be established to implement the Divine laws and under such a government no criminal can escape punishment. No bribe or mediation will help; no influence or pressure can be used to persuade the law in anyone’s favour. One who goes against the law must suffer the consequences and the one who respects the law is honoured and protected.
Obedience to the Divine Laws is not a thing belonging to the individual plane in the sense that one might, of his own, consult the Quran, interpret it for himself and act according to his individual interpretation. The obedience has to be disciplined and ordered under an organised system called state in the present day and controlled by a central authority.
Barring a few exceptions, the Quran enunciates generally fundamental principles without touching subsidiary laws.
When monarchy crept into the Muslims, the Divine system no longer remained operative. The relationship of the state and the individual changed. The rulers became autocratic and the citizens had no choice except to obey them. The Muslim rulers changed the basic principles of the Quran to their advantage with the help of religious oligarchy. Gradually the Muslim domination of the world tumbled down. Even today the Muslims are confused about the true Islamic system. This is because the role model today is the Islam of the kings and not the pristine Quranic values.
Islam does not authorise kingship, monarchy or autocratic rule. Today Islam is followed as a religion of restrictions, while the purpose of God-imposed rules is to further broaden and develop the human personality. This can only be achieved in a society where there is total protection of life, property and honour and where there is no anxiety or lack of shelter and food.
Above all such a society should be just and fair. One of the purposes of the permanent Divine values is to lift the burden under which humanity suffers and groans (7:157). In such a system, the people establish the system of Salaat and Zakaat. In our system Zakaat means to dole out a meagre amount at the end of the year. This is not the goal presented by the Quran which says, that the responsibility of the Islamic system is ‘Eeta-i-Zakaat’ and not giving or taking Zakaat.
The term Zakaat means to grow, develop, bloom and blossom, it means to provide the means of development to people. Muhammad (SAW) once said ‘God’s responsibility of protecting a community ceases when even a single person goes to bed hungry’. The second Caliph Omar said,’ If a dog dies of hunger by the river Tigris I swear by God with whom my life rests, that Omar will be held responsible.’
In an Islamic system there are no fears of external or internal dangers. There is a solid foundation for realising the human potential…. Muhammad (SAW) was asked to make arrangements to educate people in such a way that they may be able to understand the bases of law on one hand and to enable them to understand the mysteries of the universe on the other. In this system the human potentialities are not only nourished but are utilised for the good of all. It inculcates purity of character and beauty in conduct. The Quran addresses the Muslims and says,’ You are the integrated nation (Ummah) equipped for the well-being of mankind. You are raised for the good of all humanity’ (3:109).
The basis of an individual’s position in society is the Quranic principle, ‘Verily, We have honoured every human being’ (17:70). The protection of this honour is the end of an Islamic society. If the system does not honour the respect, prestige and life of the individual, it cannot escape the wrath of God. The Quran refers to such a system and says,’ These people are deprived of Allah’s blessings and support of the Divine Forces and the righteous persons’ (3:87).
In the colonial system of governance, the civil bureaucracy had a crucial role in policy formulation, resource allocation and strategic and political negotiations.
The precepts of do’s and don’ts for the natives were determined by a bunch of cultivated officers representing the wellbeing of the empire. This nurtured a system of colonial-social relations which was protected and perpetuated through the administrative structure aimed at arbitrary concessions, subjugation, exploitation and humiliation. Scientific and rational knowledge was termed as the basis of merit and a pre-requisite for entry into the ruling club.
This approach did not stop with the end of colonial rule in many countries. Some studies have suggested that in most developing countries there exists an ‘overdeveloped’ bureaucratic apparatus inherited as a colonial legacy and expanded through imitative post-colonial reforms, while the political, economic and cultural sectors remain largely underdeveloped.
This is particularly evident in Pakistan when we look at the role of the civil bureaucracy with special reference to social policy in the country. Having influence and exclusive access to information, the bureaucracy monopolises decision-making at the expense of the political elite. On the other hand, the political elite lack the vision and vigour to come up to the expectations and demands of pro-active public representation. This vulnerable situation is further capitalised on for their own strategic interests by the global forces of the ‘liberalised’ status quo when it comes to bilateral and multilateral transactions in politics, trade or the economy.
The trichotomy of this elite partnership has led to entrenched malaise in public and social policy in Pakistan. It has led to misdirected priorities, resource profligacy and inefficiency in service delivery. This has not contributed significantly towards enhancing people’s access to public goods and services.
The major reason for this weakness is not the paucity of resources as made out by the powers that be. It is primarily the flawed intent and process of social policy formulation which has led to a reverse growth in the social sector. It is perhaps the continuity of the same alienated and metropolitan outlook of the colonial bureaucracy which dictates the contemporary history of governance and decision-making in countries like ours.
Policies are generally conceived, deliberated and approved behind closed doors without a glimpse of the process being allowed to the people. The applied policy and planning discourse does not consider commoners to be part of the consultations as they do not hold the required ‘scientific’ and rational knowledge’. Social and economic policies were enthusiastically designed by erstwhile Harvard-going experts and bureaucrats, but the net result is ‘growth without development’ and we are living under the shadow of food, fuel and water riots after 60 years of this techno-centric policy experimentation.
The composite failure of social policy is reflected by the recent figure issues of the International Fund for Agriculture Development (IFAD) which counts that 77 million people — about half the total population — face acute food insecurity in Pakistan. Indeed, this massive food insecurity has a direct bearing on the nutritional survival of the resource-poor population of the country.
According to some estimates by William Easterly, Pakistan received $58bn in foreign development assistance, 22 adjustment loans from the IMF and the World Bank and had a lucrative Cold War alliance with the United States and multiple government development programmes. Pakistan was the third largest recipient of official development assistance in the world during 1960-98. Easterly suggested that if Pakistan had invested all the official development assistance from 1960 to 1998 at a real rate of six per cent, it would have a stock of assets equal to $239bn in 1998, many times the current external debt.
On the other hand, the federal finance minister went public recently, saying that the national debt had swelled to Rs5,700bn in 2007 from Rs2,900bn in 1999. He said during the last 52 years, the country received a debt of Rs2,900bn while the figures touched the Rs5,700bn mark in the last eight years.
It is observed that the dominant policy discourse operates in isolation on a narrow sectoral basis. Intra-sectoral and inter-sectoral linkages are not adequately taken into account in the process of defining policy prescriptions. Resultantly, development in one sector becomes disaster in the other. Moreover, some analysts believe that applied policy looks at structural issues as transitory and does not dissect the undercurrents of crises which leads to ad hoc, self-defeating and cosmetic retrofitting.
This knowledge should compel the new government to treat and reverse the pitfalls of social policy on an urgent basis. The delay in redefining social policy would put pressure on democratic forces by igniting social unrest in the country. Some independent international and national agencies have already warned governments and people of an imminent hunger disaster and the ‘silent tsunamis’ caused by food insecurities.
Against this backdrop, a paradigm shift is required in the process of policy formulation by taking key policy issues out from the offices of the Planning Commission and engaging people at large in identifying, analysing and devising policy options and alternatives to redress the longstanding social lag in the overall development of the country. There is a need to do away with arbitrary, ad hoc and exclusionary planning processes. This would broaden the base of policy review and analyses and enhance the ownership of policy outcomes.
It would also facilitate the pending objectives of decolonising the intent of social policy by moving away from embedded concepts of subjugation to the real meaning of emancipation. The people are no longer prepared to buy policies made without their consent and consultation.
The writer specialises in the political economy of disasters and development in South Asia.
amjad@rdpi.org
