Low Graphics Site
White bar
.: Latest News :. .: News in Pictures :.
Dawn e-paper
Daily SectionMarker

Misc SectionMarker

Horoscope Recipes Weekly SectionMarker

Weekly SectionMarker



Pakistan's Internet Magazine
Herald
Dawn GroupMarker

Archive, Search, Feedback & HelpMarker

Weather

FrontPage National International Local Business KSE Forex Sports Editorial Opinion Letters Features Today's Cartoon TV Guide Cowasjee Irfan Hussain Jawed Naqvi Mahir Ali Kamran Shafi The Review Dawn Magazine Young World Images Dawn Group Subscription To Advertise

DAWN - the Internet Edition


April 27, 2008 Sunday Rabi-us-Sani 20, 1429

Features


Culture and canned Cheddar
Constraints of coalition



Culture and canned Cheddar


By Hajrah Mumtaz

While one can understand the concern with which religious scholars, newspaper columnists and talk show guests etc view the vexing question of Pakistani culture, this is not really a job for which they are qualified or over which they have rights (other than the right to have an opinion, of course). The task is best entrusted to ‘cultural institutions’ where the myriad issues may be explored practically and academically, and debated in the context of a region’s historical and political legacies.

As has been pointed out often, cultural identity is not a unitary entity that can be settled upon through consensus, conjured up fully-formed out of the thin air and then presented to people to take to their hearts. If it were that easy, decades of attempts to reduce Pakistani culture to a form dictated by the dominant religious ideology would have succeeded. Greybeard after greybeard has condemned practices such as Basant and mehndi rituals for being ‘alien influences’, ‘Indian’ or for having roots in religions other than Islam. Yet the practices survive, even flourish, for they speak to people at some bone-deep level that has little to do with religion and everything to do with being of a certain region.

If culture could so easily be identified and applied – pulled out of a can, preserved and easily digestible like Kraft Cheddar – Pakistani culture would not be characterised by the sort of contradictions that are today in abundant evidence. Canned culture dictates that any relationship between the sexes be unambiguous and morally (read: religiously) above board. How then can one explain the public acceptance of Begum Nawazish Ali, who takes ambiguity to the far side?

Culture that comes out of a can – the parroting of ideological sound bytes such as ‘Pakistan ka matlab kya’ or ‘Pakistan was born when Mohammed Bin Qasim first set foot in the subcontinent’ – is about as appetising as Cheddar that has sat on a shelf for a couple of years. Just as canned Cheddar is mass-produced by smoke-belching factories that have found ways of stripping the product of any grain of controversy – not a trace of an allergen, for example – canned culture is also mass-produced according to recipes constituted of the lowest identifiable common denominators, ie stereotypes: Pakistan = Islam, western dress = immorality etc. This sort of branded culture is stripped of all nuances of flavour, depth and practice, one specimen being virtually indistinguishable from the other. It has about as much to do with a real, living and breathing culture as canned Cheddar has with Roquefort (and as with cheeses, a living culture can cause the occasional allergy).

The fora best suited to exploring issues of culture and cultural identity – and all the contextual matters that come into play such as history, race, region, language etc – are ‘cultural institutions’ such as literature, poetry, drama, music, art, dance and cuisine. These fields collect the cacophony of various cultural histories and strands, create linkages and craft a melody from them. Sarmad Sehbai’s dramatic works, for example, draw upon sources from Marxist literature, anthropological and psychology texts, and work exploring rural-urban ideals to discuss modern Pakistan and citizens’ issues. The works of Bapsi Sidhwa, similarly, draw upon cultural influences and traditions rooted in Lahore, presented through the lens of an author both inside the system and out of it, and written in English. The very act of bringing together these disparate influences causes synthesis, and constitutes an exploration into the interconnectedness of cultural histories.

It follows, then, that if Pakistan is ever to reach cultural maturity worth the name, efforts be accelerated to set up universities and academies, mushairas and music conferences, theatres and cinemas, art galleries and museums, and all other possible avenues for cultural expression. Cultural debate takes place at such venues and events, and through them is built a cultural character emblematic of a people.

The setting up of such cultural institutions requires money, much of which must per force come from the state. It’s all very well to rely on donors and patrons but it is primarily the state’s responsibility to set up academies to train people in these fields, and then create venues where their work can be displayed.

If the culture ministry is concerned about Pakistani culture, why not get the Arts Councils in various cities to do the job they were created for: to support and subsidise work in the performing arts. Why not look into the Dramatic Performances Act of 1876, framed by the British to prohibit certain dramatic performances it deemed unsuitable, and still on the books in the Punjab over a hundred years later.

If the culture ministry is concerned, that is.

— hmumtaz@dawn.com

Top



Constraints of coalition


PESHAWAR: The factional infighting in Pakistan People’s Party has marred its political performance at the party and the government level alike. On the one hand its provincial leadership is engaged in a tug of war on the selection of ministers, while on the other hand its ministers have failed to assert being power partner in the province.

Apparently, imperceptible tussle between PPP provincial president Rahimdad Khan and a former speaker Abdul Akbar Khan has made a mess of things. Abdul Akbar, who knows how to play tricks upon his rivals, accuses to his party chief, Rahimdad Khan, for striking a poor power-sharing bargain with the Awami National Party, acting arbitrarily on major issues like transferring and posting, in the province. Mr Akbar, who had bagged two seats from Mardan, was aspiring for the slot of assembly speaker, but he failed to fetch even a berth in the cabinet. He was member of the team, which was negotiating with the ANP on a coalition formula, but he was dissociated from the task.

Two days ago, it was rumoured that Abdul Akbar and Pervez Khattak have been inducted into the negotiating team, but PPP central leadership denied any such move. It clarified that Sardar Ali Khan, NWFP senior minister Rahimdad Khan and speaker Kiramatullah Khan Chagarmati will continue their task as members of negotiating team and will keep a liaison with the ANP.

Conversely, Rahimdad Khan thinks he (Abdul Akbar) is a spoiler and for his own gain he may go against the tide. But, so for, he (Mr Akbar) is silent. He knows how to checkmate his rivals. At present, he wants to field his nominee in by-election for NA-11, Mardan-III, which he had won on Feb 18, 2008, and then surrendered to retain his provincial (PF-29) seat. He is trying to secure party ticket for his nominee. He is fortunate, because he hails from an area which has been a stronghold of the PPP. His voters, who bestowed him with two seats, will certainly ensure a success again to the party nominee.

After the induction of two more ministers – Pervez Khattak and Habibur Rehman Tanoli – from the ministerial share of PPP, the overall strength of opposition has diminished in the house. PPP Sherpao terms it a floor-crossing, while some others see a conspiracy into it. They think Pervez Khattak may prove to be torpedo for the ANP-PPP coalition. But, PPP sees it other way.

PPP provincial president (Rahimdad Khan), general secretary (Najmuddin Khan) and its divisional (Peshawar) president Syed Zahir Shah have joined the federal and provincial governments. They have left with no time to take care of party affairs. Similarly, they are fed up with the repeated “interference” by their coalition partner, Awami National Party, in their constituencies. The wholesale transferring and posting of the district coordination officers (DCOs), district police officers (DPOs), tehsil municipal officers (TMOs) and other executive officers by the ANP ministers has shocked the PPP to review its alliance with the senior partner. Rahimdad Khan himself and PPP co-chairperson Asif Ali Zardari had conveyed the complaints of PPP ministers to the ANP leadership.

PPP local leaders complain that despite all this ANP leaders want to get posted their party affiliates on executive posts in health department, headed by a PPP minister. Some senior ANP leaders, they say, have requested to a PPP senator for getting ANP doctors posted in big hospitals and health directorate. Both –PPP and ANP-- have their affiliates in doctors’ community, who advise, guide and dictate them on health sector.

Both ANP and PPP are well aware of the fact that politically weak forces opt for coalition and alliances. If any one of the major parties had majority in the house, they would have not entered an alliance with the other. But, history had (if) taught them that fighting each other (like 1974) had paid to the anti-democratic forces. The party chauvinism is a reality, but it also brings unmanageable troubles and causes a permanent socio-political unrest. If both the parties will continue with the political rivalries and settle scores with each other who will run the affairs?

Transferring of PPP sympathisers in the local government department has sent a wave of shock amongst the PPP cadre in the city. The PPP terms it not only a victimisation of its supporters, but a conspiracy against Amir Haider Khan Hoti, who turned out to be a dark horse and dashed all hopes of other aspirants for the slot provincial chief executive. “It is like razing one’s wall down to get the house of his rival collapsed”, said a PPP worker.

Top



Top of Page





RSS Feed

Newsletters

DAWN Logo

News on Mobile

e-paper print replica

Seprater
Contributions
Privacy Policy
© DAWN Media Group , 2008