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DAWN - the Internet Edition


March 02, 2008 Sunday Safar 23, 1429



Features


The right to be tactful
Mobile phone users on roads driving people nuts
As you sow, so shall you reap



The right to be tactful


By Hajrah Mumtaz

Forget there being no peace for the wicked, there doesn’t seem to be much tranquillity for the pious either. A controversy that lay forgotten for many blissful months has been pulled out of the closet, dusted down and thrown back in our faces. The cartoon protests are back on the agenda, thanks both to the newspapers’ decision to reprint the material and to the sadly predictable reaction of the faithful.

So what about media freedom, then? Does it include a news anchor’s right to negotiate with militants holed up in Lal Masjid? Does it include a journalist’s right to question the president about decisions that affect the very fabric of the country? Is the media, local or international, to operate under fear of reprisals by either the state or private individuals or groups? Shutting news channels down without having gone through the requisite legal processes, forcing newspapers to publish the writings of pro-government plants and hacking into YouTube count as reprisals by the state. Threats of being murdered or being blackmailed by the clear and present danger of violent protests are reprisals by private citizens.

Given that a plot to murder one of the original cartoonists was recently uncovered, it is not surprising that the Danish editors chose to reprint the material. Their very valid point was that they refused to operate under threat, and they were well within their rights to make it. But did they nevertheless behave irresponsibly? Perhaps yes, to some extent, for the action was bound to provoke violence.

However, far more irresponsible were the protestors who killed their own people on Feb 14, 2006, in Lahore over the same issue. And, to a somewhat lesser extent, Iran, which commissioned the tit-for-tat Holocaust International Cartoon Contest, since two wrongs don’t make a right (although it is worth noting that a Danish newspaper, Information, printed them without invoking violent protests), and the Sunni Tehrik workers in Karachi on Friday, who used the issue in an attempt to reclaim some relevance in a post-election political scenario were they are rather besides the point.

Media freedom is a nebulous concept that varies from situation to situation. The media have the right, in fact the duty, to inform and expand the debate. But along with that goes the need to choose one’s words and subjects carefully, keep in mind the public good and refrain from compromising people’s safety.

Both these aspects can not only co-exist but can lead to more sophisticated and nuanced journalism.

As Jon Williams pointed out recently on the BBC Editors’ Blog, there exists a tacit agreement between media bodies and law enforcement organisations over reporting on kidnap cases and hostage situations while negotiations are under way, in case the release becomes more difficult. In return the authorities put the full story on the record once the situation is resolved. “When lives are at risk,” he wrote, “it is not always helpful to have things played out in the glare of publicity.”

A good example in this regard is the recently revealed UK media blackout on Prince Harry’s stint in Afghanistan. According to Williams, the BBC’s world news editor, UK media heads were approached last summer by the Ministry of Defence over the prince’s possible deployment to the frontlines.

“After five months of discussions, using the kidnap agreement as our model, the MoD and the UK media reached an understanding; we wouldn’t speculate or report on the prince’s deployments to minimise the danger to him and to others. In return, we’d get access to him before, during and after his time in Afghanistan. It was a voluntary agreement — any of the organisations could have agreed to leave at any time,” wrote Williams.

The agreement, arrived at through negotiation and not threat, reflects a certain maturity. A less sophisticated understanding of responsible journalism could have led to the knee-jerk reaction of invoking press freedom, while a ham-handed approach by the MoD may have led to an attempt to use force. As Williams wrote, “At its simplest, journalism is about telling people the things they don’t know. […] Our job normally is to make these things public, not keep them from you. But this was never just about Prince Harry’s safety, it was also about the security of the soldiers serving with him. No editor wants to be responsible for increasing the risk they already face.”

The media have the right to operate freely and without fear, but with that comes the duty to practice responsible journalism. So, Pakistan’s news channels must report on suicide bombings or the kidnap of army personnel, but they must also practice discretion while choosing their material in view of its impact. They must not senselessly follow the ‘if it bleeds, it leads’ maxim.

Meanwhile, those who seek to lay limits on the media must use logic and credible reasoning, not threat or blackmail. Those who find the cartoons offensive, protest, by all means, but please, don’t torch my car! Why not peacefully lobby the OIC, personally boycott Danish products or write to the editors instead of threatening to kill them or burning down one’s own cities?

The more violent course of action, after all, merely fuels the image of Islam that led to the commissioning of the cartoons in the first place.

Only through civilised debate can media practices mature here and across the world. Otherwise, the future holds increasingly violent tit-for-tat offensives, with all sides taking successively hardening positions.

Post-script: And, of course, there is the option of simply not watching or reading something that one finds offensive. Why attempt to police the world?

— hmumtaz@dawn.com

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Mobile phone users on roads driving people nuts


MOBILE phone use in the driving seat is a rather familiar sight on the roads of Islamabad and Rawalpindi. It is a terror begging for attention, for a long time, but like an out-of-order signal, there is just no response.

The mobile-on-wheel folks drive people around them crazy, endangering lives — not only others but their own, too. Surprisingly, they remain virtually aloof to this reality or, may be, in true Sultan Rahi fashion, think they can get away with it.

To their credit, the Islamabad Traffic Police have been able to generate a bit of momentum in the endeavour to create awareness among the general public and seek the help of the government to promote a culture of safe driving.

It has been some time since a summary was sent to the Interior Ministry asking for the use of cellphone while driving to be declared a violation of traffic laws. Belated as the step is, it is absolutely imperative.

Wonder how some sort of fiat has so far remained elusive given the perfect sense of the idea!

The annual figure of fatalities as a result of road accidents in Pakistan quoted by Inspector General National Highways and Motorway Police (NH&MP) Muhammad Riffat Pasha at a training session of more than 4,000 police personnel by doctors of the Pakistan Institute of Medical Sciences in Islamabad recently was phenomenal: 16,500.

Apart from this, injuries and resultant disabilities are estimated at 35,000 besides material damage running into millions of rupees.

No one knows for sure how many of these fatalities and injuries are a direct result of unsafe driving thanks to mobile phone use on the go but, as anyone who has ever been on a road in the twin cities for a while will tell you, the danger to life is a gnawing reality.

While it is heartening to note that police personnel are being trained to administer First Aid and handle trauma — important considering they are the first ones to reach the scene in the event of an accident — there is an absolute need to plug the holes in the first place. In other words, we need to embrace the idiom ‘better safe than sorry’.

In order to formulate effective policies, it is essential to know what kind of danger the use of cellphone while driving poses given its many distractions.

Using a mobile phone while driving creates a significant accident risk. Many studies, using a variety of research techniques including simulated driving tasks, advanced driving simulators, real driving on off-road circuits and driving on real roads, provide evidence that using a mobile phone impairs driving performance in many ways.

A study points out some of these, which should be compulsory reading for motorists anywhere, but in the context of the twin cities, perhaps, even more given the traffic surge and almost habitual tendency to keep the mobile or its hand-free version to the ear.

Lateral position

The majority of research indicates that drivers’ maintenance of a constant appropriate lane position is impaired when using a mobile phone.

Maintenance of speed

The majority of research indicates that drivers find it more difficult to maintain an appropriate and predictable speed while using a mobile phone which sometimes leads to reducing their speed and sometimes to increasing it.

Reaction time

The evidence indicates that drivers take longer to detect and respond to changes, such as a vehicle in front decelerating.

Following distances

When using a mobile phone, drivers are more likely to reduce their following distance from the vehicle in front. When this effect is coupled with slower reaction times, the risk of a collision is even greater.

Gap acceptance

Using a mobile phone also impairs drivers’ judgment of acceptable gaps in traffic streams, leading to drivers entering or accepting gaps that are not large enough.

Mental workload

Most of the studies show that using a mobile phone while driving increases drivers’ mental workload, often resulting in higher stress and frustration levels. There is evidence that drivers have to switch their attention between driving and using the phone, sometimes giving more attention to the phone call than to the road situation.

Situational awareness

Using a mobile phone reduces drivers’ awareness of what is happening around them on the road. Some evidence indicates that when using a phone drivers have little awareness of whether or not there is other traffic around them and what it is doing.

One study suggests that the risk of being involved in a collision is four times higher when using a mobile phone than when not using one. However, it is difficult to quantify the increased risk because of the lack of accident data concerning the use of mobile phones.

This is due to the fact that in Pakistan, and most other countries, the presence or use of a mobile phone in a vehicle is not recorded, except sometimes in very serious accidents.

Despite the lack of data, there is nevertheless evidence from epidemiological studies and from accident reports that drivers who use mobile phones while driving have higher accidents rates than those who do not.

Many countries have enacted legislation banning the use of mobile phones by drivers while in control of their vehicle. In most cases, the legislation prohibits the use of hand-held phones, but does not apply to hands-free mobile phones.

It would be fitting if the government in response to the Islamabad Traffic Police summary applies the ban to both.

The writer is News Editor at DawnNews. He may be contacted at kaamyabi@gmail.com

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As you sow, so shall you reap


Time, it appears, is turning against the Pakistan Muslim League-Q, a party that remained in power in coalition with some other parties for full five years. First it was comprehensively defeated in the Feb 18 elections, and now those elected on its tickets are parting company with it.

On Saturday, when the central leadership of the party was meeting in Islamabad to find out reasons that led to the crushing defeat, six legislators-elect set up a forward bloc, a way out to support the PML-N without facing legal consequences of changing loyalties. A similar forward bloc has already been set up in the Senate.

The PML-N now has about 160 MPAs with it, including those who will continue to stay in

the PML-Q but support the former.

The Punjab PML-Q president said recently that those who changed loyalties could be disqualified under the Constitution. Maybe he is right, but unfortunately he was the one who had set the bad precedent of allowing MPAs of other parties to join the PML-Q. “As you sow, so shall you reap," as they say.

The PML-Q had a two-thirds majority in the Punjab Assembly after the 2002 elections. But to raise the party's numerical strength further, the leadership lured about a dozen legislators of the PPP, the PML-N and the MMA into the PML-Q. Those who changed the loyalties were given various offices.

The leaders of the PPP and the PML-N decided to get the ‘turncoats’ disqualified. They moved some references with the request to the speaker that the same should be forwarded to the Chief Election Commissioner, the ultimate authority for such matters.

The speaker, who had a “deeper understanding” of the Constitution, told the complainants to establish their locus standi before expecting any action on their petitions. The complainants said they were leaders of their respective parliamentary parties and competent to move the references.

The speaker, as he later claimed, consulted the Constitution but found nothing called the ‘parliamentary party leader’. Whenever the aggrieved parties sought an action against the turncoats, they were confronted with the same argument. The result: No action was taken against anyone till the assemblies were dissolved after completing their five-year term.

If some action had been taken against the turncoats then, it would have served as a deterrent in the future. Maybe, if the PML-Q leadership moved references against the loyalty changers or those who set up forward bloc, the new speaker would ask them to establish their locus standi before calling for any action against them.

* * * * * *


Although all the parties have accepted election results, they are alleging “selective rigging” in various constituencies. The PML-Q leadership has alleged that the caretaker setup, which was regarded by the critics as an extension of the PML-Q government, was responsible for the party’s defeat.

Interestingly, an important PML-Q leader has claimed that Shaukat Aziz's period should not be regarded as part of the PML-Q era. He alleged the policies followed by the imported prime minister had harmed the country as well as the PML-Q.

Perhaps, the PML-Q leadership is crying over the spilt milk.

Until recently, they have been claiming the party would win the elections because of its superb performance while in power. If the Aziz era was not that of the PML-Q, which performance of theirs were they boasting of?

If one looks at the results of all previous elections held since 1977, the only thing common was that the party in power was always defeated and the party (parties) in opposition emerged victorious. It is possible that different factors were at work at the time of elections, but the pattern of results remains the same -- defeat of the ruling party and victory of the opposition.

The PPP was elected in 1977, but the results were rejected by the then opposition parties. The elections were held in 1985 on a non-party basis. Those elected belonged to the PML who then set up a party under the leadership of Muhammad Khan Junejo.

But when President Ziaul Haq dismissed the Junejo government, the PPP emerged as the largest party in the 1988 polls winning 94 out of total 207 National Assembly seats.

The Islami Jamhoori Ittehad, the coalition against the PPP, bagged only 54 seats.

The differences between Ms Benazir Bhutto and then president Ghulam Ishaq Khan prompted the latter to dissolve the PPP government in 1990. Fresh elections were held within the timeline set by the Constitution. This time the IJI won 106 NA seats and only 45 went to the PPP. Nawaz Sharif became the prime minister and Ms Benazir Bhutto the opposition leader.

Mr Sharif and Ishaq Khan had cordial relations with each other, but the situation started changing after some time. Mistrust between the president and the prime minister prompted the president to sack the Sharif government. Though the Supreme Court restored the assemblies and the government, Mr Sharif and Ishaq Khan could not work together.

Fresh elections became unavoidable by the end of 1993. This time the PPP returned to power. It bagged 89 seats against 73 of the PML-N.

As relations between the PPP leadership and president Farooq Leghari touched the lowest ebb, the latter used his constitutional power and dismissed the Benazir government in November 1996.

Going by the tradition, the 1997 elections were won by the PML-N, as the establishment could not allow the former ruling party to return. Surprisingly enough, the PML-N got 137 NA seats while the PPP got as low as 18.

The second PML-N government came to an abrupt end when Gen Musharraf took over power in 1999.

The next elections were held in 2002. The PML-Q, comprising adversaries of Mr Sharif, was brought to power.

In 2008 polls, the PML-Q was trounced and its opponents PPP and the PML-N got majority seats. Should the repeat of a particular pattern surprise anyone? —Ashraf Mumtaz

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