Reviving peace process

COMING from one of America’s staunch allies in the Middle East, the statement by Mr Hosni Mobarak must be taken seriously. In an interview with an Israeli newspaper, the Egyptian president accused the US of obstructing talks between Israel and Syria. He wasn’t specific, but observers said Mr Mobarak was referring to America’s objection to Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert’s reported overtures to Syria during the 34-day war with Lebanon last year. Since the days of the late Hafez al-Assad, Syria and Israel have a tacit understanding: they would not fight a war in Lebanon. While Damascus would let Tel Aviv do anything in Lebanon (as it did in 1982 and last July-August), the latter in turn would let the former station troops in the Bekaa valley, through which runs the road to Syria’s capital. This has served their mutual interests. While Syria escaped war, Israel felt free to carry out its agenda in Lebanon, though this is besides the point that it failed both times. In 1982 its bid to create a Christian client-state in Lebanon aborted, and last year Hezbollah proved a hard nut to crack.

The interview was given on the eve of President Mobarak’s meeting with Mr Olmert at the Egyptian Red Sea resort of Sharm el-Sheikh, amidst reports that the two were aiming at reviving the stalled peace process between Palestine and Israel. There have been so many “processes”, agreements and roadmaps that one should not be surprised if one more is added to the list, besides the two UN resolutions (242 and 338) calling for peace in exchange for land. But 39 years after the six-day war, the West Bank is still under Israeli occupation.

There is now an unusual obstacle in the way of the revival of the peace process. For the first time, there is no authentic Palestinian voice that could be said to represent the people of Palestine. The Hamas government is an elected one, and for that reason all Palestinian factions should bury the hatchet and let it work. Fatah has not reconciled to the loss of power, and the Ismail Haniye government has failed to carry everybody along. President Mahmoud Abbas has not helped matters either by saying that he would call an early election. This has embittered his relations with Mr Haniye. But even if the Palestinians present a united front - as was case in the past in the personality of Yasser Arafat - there is no guarantee that Israel and the US will pursue a new peace process to its logical end and ensure an Israeli withdrawal from the West Bank and the emergence of an independent Palestinian state with Al Quds as its capital.

This pessimism arises from the fate of the Oslo process, signed with much fanfare in Washington on Sept 13, 1993, between Yasser Arafat and Yitzhak Rabin with Mr Bill Clinton presiding. Nothing came of the “peace of the brave”, and Mr Ariel Sharon became Israel’s prime minister only to reoccupy the vacated Palestinian areas and scuttle the Oslo process. The same fate overtook the roadmap for peace unveiled by President George Bush in April 2003, whose aim was to create a sovereign Palestinian state by 2005. No peace process can achieve its aim unless the American leadership has the courage to overcome domestic pressures from the Jewish lobby, which has not accepted the idea of pulling out of what it calls Eretz Israel.

Provincial autonomy

THE assurance by the federal minister for provincial coordination about autonomy being granted to the provinces by June will be received with a measure of skepticism. Since last year autonomy has been the most popular subject on which official statements have been issued. But not much has happened so far. Neither has much been disclosed about the nature of the autonomy to be granted. Now Salim Saifullah Khan would have us believe that the Concurrent List in the Constitution would be abolished in two phases before the end of the fiscal year. From this it would appear that this list was the major obstacle in the way of autonomy and its abolition would solve the problem of an over-centralised federation that has created so much unrest in smaller provinces. The fact is that there is much more involved in the dispute over autonomy than merely the lists defining the subjects on which the National Assembly and the provincial assemblies can legislate.

If the federal government is willing to part with some of its powers, it will have to allow the provincial governments a greater say in the management of their own affairs. This is essential not just for political reasons but for the very practical considerations of efficient governance. For instance, a decree from Islamabad laying down the school calendar for the sake of uniformity is unrealistic given the varying climatic conditions in different parts of the country. There is also the diversity of cultures and languages which makes society rich and vibrant. If these have to be fostered, every province must be allowed to control the issues relevant to them. Above all, the control over the natural resources of a province should be vested in the provincial government to enable it to make its own decisions independently. All this is possible if the long-overdue National Finance Commission’s award is announced. The NRB is said to be pondering it, but given the tricky nature of the issue, its chairman has yet to formulate his proposals. It is also important that Islamabad stops interfering with the provincial administration’s working by appointing its ‘pointsmen’ to keep a watch and control things there.

Dismal state of Lyari library

BASIC needs can be overlooked when the attention of the authorities is riveted by grandiose projects. No one denies the urgent need in Karachi for new roads, underpasses and flyovers. Such projects become inevitable when no thought is given to the creation of a mass transit system that could meet the demand for better public transport and help ease traffic congestion. In a city crippled by lack of planning, there are few options other than embarking on road-related development schemes costing billions of rupees. In this mad frenzy for signal-free corridors — or floodlit mega parks — it is easy to lose sight of the smaller things in life that may cost next to nothing but have a profound impact on human development.

The Lyari Textbook Library is a case in point. The only general library in one of the poorest areas of Karachi has been in serious disrepair for several years and can boast only of outdated books, ramshackle furniture and faulty electrical wiring. Visitors must make do without proper seating, washroom or drinking water facilities. The town nazim claims that he is awaiting word from the city nazim and the provincial authorities, whom he “recently” approached with a request for new textbooks. In the meantime, it is clear that the town municipal authorities have made no effort to refurbish the building. This official apathy is in stark contrast to the untiring efforts of local grassroots organisations that are running makeshift schools in the area on shoestring budgets. The healthy tradition of self-help is alive and well in Lyari and it is time to shore up these volunteer education initiatives with official support. The performance of previous administrations may have been equally dismal, but the impression must be dispelled that Lyari is being neglected because it is not the constituency of the incumbent city government.

High stakes in Horn of Africa

SOMALIA has witnessed instability bordering on chaos over the past three decades. The writer, who served as ambassador to Ethiopia at the beginning of this period, witnessed the Ogaden war in 1977-78 when Somali forces crossed into the Ogaden region of Ethiopia peopled by Muslim Somalis. The region had become part of Ethiopia during the reign of Emperor Haile Selassie.

Following the coup against the emperor in 1974, a civil war ensued in Ethiopia where the pro-West character of the government changed as the Soviet Union extended its influence to various parts of Africa. In early 1977, Col Mengistu Haile-Mariam, head of the pro-Moscow faction in the armed forces, assumed power in Addis Ababa, but pockets of resistance, some based on local ethnic movements, continued so that instability prevailed in Ethiopia. Gen Siad Barre, who was president of neighbouring Somalia, took advantage of the situation to launch an attack on Ogaden which Somalis believed had been illegally annexed during the emperor’s rule.

The Organisation of African Unity that was headquartered in Addis Ababa had adopted the principle that boundaries established during the colonial period must be respected otherwise there would be chaos in the continent. Eventually, helped by Cuban forces Mengistu was able to drive out the Somalis, but tension persisted as Somalia entered a period of lawlessness after Siad Barre, with warlords from different clans controlling different parts of the country that already had the seeds of discord planted in it when it was divided into British Somaliland in the north and Italian Somaliland in the south during the era of European colonialism. Given its sandy soil and dry climate, the country was extremely poor, its main asset being its strategic location.

The civil war between warlords led to the country becoming a failed state, and Mogadishu, the capital, was virtually destroyed, and no government structure survived. Large numbers of Somalis took refuge in neighbouring lands, notably Kenya. Following the end of the Cold War, the US sent a peacekeeping force, but it suffered heavy casualties, and withdrew with a Pakistani force succeeding it, which was also withdrawn. UN interest declined in what appeared to be a hopeless task. However a failed state, with a Muslim population, that lacked basic resources, could only generate lawlessness and piracy, and Kenya became concerned over the influx of refugees as violence persisted.

The EU took an interest and facilitated negotiations to form a provisional government comprising various factions. But this consisted largely of warlords and was unable to establish its authority. A movement began among the Islamic intelligentsia in the south to establish Islamic courts to dispense justice and to create a structure of law and order. When a large number of local bodies were formed, they established a Union of Islamic Courts that proceeded to replace lawlessness with Sharia-based governance.

The Union of Islamic Courts made rapid progress, and starting from the south occupied Mogadishu last June. In the meantime, the weak provisional government, formerly established in Kenya, shifted northwest of Mogadishu.

At this stage, there were consultations between the US, EU and Ethiopia under which Ethiopian armed forces, well-equipped by the West, were to intervene, on the pretext that elements of the Union of Islamic Courts had intruded Ethiopia and were spreading radical Islamic teachings that were a threat to the state. Prominent leaders of the African Union were also persuaded to join in this concerted effort to strengthen “moderate”, pro-West forces in Somalia and to virtually eliminate the influence of the “Islamists”.

In this well-coordinated plan, Ethiopian forces intervened in Somalia on a mass scale, first occupying the temporary seat of the provisional government, and then swinging southwards in strength to occupy Mogadishu and finally Kismayu.

The forces of the Union of Islamic Courts have been driven to a small enclave in the south, close to the Kenyan border. Kenya has closed the border while US warships have been deployed close to the southwest of Somalia, to prevent any remnants of the Islamists from escaping by sea.

The African Union has defended Ethiopia’s right to intervene, though it has made a routine call for early withdrawal of these forces. The US and EU are supporting the deployment of an African Union peacekeeping force. With pressure mounting for Sudan to accept UN reinforcements for African Union peacekeepers in the Darfur region, the post 9/11 strategy to install “moderate” democratic regimes in Islamic countries is being implemented.

In Somalia, the government being installed consists of warlords from various clans who are corrupt, and have been responsible for the state of anarchy. It is widely acknowledged, even by the western media, that the Union of Islamic Courts had established law and order in the areas it occupied — although it enforced Sharia-based laws.

It is quite clear that western governments want to eliminate the “Islamists” in Somalia, and create a pro-West elite that would be the main beneficiary of aid and investment from the West, but if Iraq and Afghanistan are any guide, the majority of the local people would want to preserve their own culture and faith. Western inspired leaders do not win mass support. However if genuine pro-democracy leaders are helped in setting up modern educational and health facilities and in efforts to raise the level of awareness in the younger generation, that would be acceptable to the people.

One should expect nationalist and Islamic ferment in Somalia, especially because Ethiopia, which is a traditional enemy, has been used to suppress an indigenous movement. One hopes that the western powers as well as the nationalist elite in Africa will realise the need to keep local sensitivities in view. The vast majority of citizens in Muslim countries believe that they are following a faith that stands for moderation and peace. Hence the campaign to equate Islam with violence and terrorism is not only based on false assumptions but is also proving counter-productive.

The experiment in Somalia could initially involve the killing or incarceration of many innocent Muslims. This is bound to create several divisions between pro-West warlords and the common Somali citizens, perhaps leading to a small minority turning to terrorism on the basis that pro-West values were enforced through the massive use of force.

This development should be seen in the context of evolving US strategic plans. Washington first created a reliable ally in the shape of Israel in the Middle East. Following the end of the Cold War, with the Islamic world seen as a successor threat to communism, a partnership was developed with India that is being built up militarily as a strategic ally. The evolving situation in the Horn of Africa shows that Ethiopia, which is dominated by Christian Amharas, and has close links with Israel, is becoming the third pillar of a strategic structure that surrounds the Islamic heartland.

Pakistan, already under pressure over Afghanistan, has to take cognisance of these developments. Its response should be at national, regional and global levels and it must maintain its deterrent strength. Pakistan needs to promote greater solidarity among the countries that come under pressure, support the UN system, and build close relations with key players including China, Iran and Saudi Arabia. The developing scenario in the Horn of Africa involves high stakes and Islamabad needs to follow the unfolding scenario.

Going trans-fat free

TRANS-FATTY acids are like ugly children. No one can love them except a mother — and in this case, the mother is a food industry that has relied on them for decades. Lately, however, there are signs that this mother’s love is not unconditional.

Starbucks this week joined the short but growing list of restaurants that are eliminating or reducing their use of trans fats, a list that also includes KFC (which even removed the word “Fried” from its name) and Taco Bell. Trans fats have also been banned in New York City restaurants.

Americans are forever torn between cheap fast food and healthy nutritious food. Trans fats clearly belong in the first group. They are found most commonly in hydrogenated oil, which is slow to turn rancid and thus less expensive to use. It’s also solid at room temperature, a convenience, and turns out rich-tasting baked goods and crispy deep-fried ones.

But trans fats also raise bad cholesterol levels and lower good ones. These failings are making consumers rethink if not revise their fast-food cravings for the umpteenth time in recent years.

It would be nice to imagine that this newfound consumer awareness was what prompted the health-conscious conversion of many fast-food chains. A more likely scenario is New York City’s recent ban on trans fats in eateries and the threat in California of a similar ban, which the Legislature may consider this year.

A regulatory solution to this problem, like a crunchy, well-salted French fry, is tempting. Yes, Americans are perfectly capable of making their own personal health decisions. But trans fats, unlike cigarettes, aren’t so obviously a matter of individual choice. In many cases, diners may not even know they’re eating them.

Packaged foods, such as peanut butter, must list their trans-fat content and so allow consumers to make an informed choice.

— Los Angeles Times