QUETTA: The current conflict in Balochistan comes against the backdrop of a decades-long uneasy relationship between the province and forces at the Centre. Some argue that the friction preceded the inception of Pakistan. In 1946, when the stage for independence was set, the question of accession of several princely states arose. Since the British political establishment in London dealt directly with the state of Kalat, its legal status was different from that of other princely states whose governance was routed through Delhi.

   The ruler of Kalat maintained that this arrangement gave him the right to exist as an independent state after the departure of the British. According to him, this would mean that Kalat would enjoy the same status as it did prior to 1876 when a treaty was signed to allow British forces to establish a base in Balochistan. He also wanted the other Baloch principalities to come under Kalat’s control once the British departed.

   Since the British left the status of princely states in the subcontinent unsettled, the vision of Kalat as an independent state began to falter. The Khan of Kalat, Ahmed Yar Khan, asserted his right to independence, whereas Pakistan demanded accession. On August 15, 1947, the Khan declared independence.

   Pakistan did not accept Kalat’s position and after almost nine months of negotiations, on April 1, 1948, forcibly annexed Kalat. This led to military skirmishes between the government and Baloch nationalists. Prince Abdul Karim (brother of the Khan) led a revolt which was put down by the Pakistani army. Even though the prince gained considerable support for his missions against the Pakistan army, the rebels were hunted down effectively. This forced him to surrender. Baloch nationalists, however, claimed that the army guaranteed amnesty to the prince and an agreement was signed. The army, they say, had taken an oath to honour the treaty, but when the prince surrendered, he was arrested with 102 of his supporters.

   In 1952 the Balochistan States Union that included Kalat, Kharan, Makran and Labella was formed. However, the abolishment of the provincial structure in Pakistan in 1955 affected this dispensation, and the “One Unit” move was opposed by Baloch leaders.

It led to the massing of nationalist forces under the rebel prince, who had now completed his prison term. The army once again moved in and on October 6, 1958, arrested the Khan, sparking an insurgency in Wad on October 10, 1958. This revolt was led by Nauroz Khan and the 90-year-old man was arrested in July 1960.

   Yahya Khan abolished the One Unit in 1970 and the provinces were restored. After the 1970 elections, Sardar Attaullah Mengal became chief minister and Ghaus Bux Bizenjo the governor of Balochistan province. In 1973, the Balochistan government was dismissed on charges of treason following a tussle with the central government led by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto.

The dismissal of an elected government led to the biggest insurgency that Balochistan ever witnessed and the Pakistan army was deployed in the restive area. The uprising lasted from 1973 to 1977. The insurgency finally ended when Gen Ziaul Haq who, as army chief had presided over the campaign, overthrew Mr Bhutto and reached an agreement with the militants.

   The present unrest that began in 2003 is viewed by Baloch nationalists as being based more on economic factors than on political motives. Balochistan is resource rich and is believed to have vast reserves of untapped mineral deposits. However, it remains poverty stricken and underdeveloped as it receives a meagre share of the revenues it generates. This has fuelled resentment among the elders and the Baloch youth who face unemployment and has led nationalist forces to oppose the central government.

For its part, the government remains dismissive of even legitimate concerns of the Baloch people and terms the current leaders of the Baloch movement as power-hungry tribal chieftains who have cruelly exploited their own people. The government has accused some of the Sardars of running criminal syndicates.

Also, the Baloch tribes are not always united themselves and thus lay themselves open to being exploited by outside forces. For instance, in the current conflict, the government has been helping rehabilitate the Kalpar and Masuri clans in Dera Bugti while trying to dislocate the Raijas. All three are sub-clans of the Bugti tribe.

Clannish sentiments were also evident in the 1992 killing of Amir Hamza (son of tribal leader Khan Mohammad Kalpar) allegedly by Akbar Bugti and the revenge killing of Salal Bugti the son of Akbar Bugti, who belongs to the Raija clan. The resulting tribal warfare led to the displacement of the Masouris and Kalpars in Dera Bugti.

The Kalpars returned in 1993 when the PPP was in power but in 1997 were displaced by the Nawaz Sharif government that wanted saw Nawab Akbar Bugti as a key political ally.

According to the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan, in the current situation in Dera Bugti almost 50,000 people have fled their villages and settlements. Opposition leaders say they are living in deplorable conditions and have no access to potable water, food and other basic necessities. However, official sources assert that the government has set up camps for these DPs (displaced persons). They also state that financial help is not needed since the people who have fled Dera Bugti are very well off. While the government and some of tribal leaders remain firmly cemented in their positions, what is clear is that there is no sign of any imminent relief to a people who can at best be described as dispossessed.