The aid pledge

PAKISTAN has received an encouraging pledge of $5.8 billion in assistance for the relief and rehabilitation of the survivors of the Oct 8 earthquake. This is slightly more than what Islamabad had hoped for and should serve to cheer up a government that had been fighting with its back to the wall and facing intense criticism from the opposition for being slow to respond to the tragedy. Pakistan had reasons to feel disappointed by the donors’ initial response because it had received a pledge of only $2.4 billion, as against $5.2 billion which the government and some international agencies had estimated to be the minimum cost for the colossal task ahead. The actual money received was only $156 million. At the donors’ conference in Islamabad yesterday, where UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan’s presence symbolized the international community’s commitment to help Pakistan rebuild the devastated areas, lending agencies and individual governments finally managed to pledge $5.8 billion. The biggest contributors are, of course, the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank — one billion dollars each mostly in soft loans — while the US is the single biggest donor country, having increased its contribution to $510 million (including the money already given). The Islamic Development Bank, too, has pledged over half a billion dollars, while Saudi Arabia, Germany, Japan and the European Union follow with $391, $111, $110 and $110 million, respectively. As pointed out by Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz, who obviously felt relieved over the outcome of the conference, the aid will be in the form of cash, kind and soft loans. The exact proportion of the soft loans is not known but these might be a problem later.

With the money pledged, we now come to the more crucial task of aid utilization in a manner that not only helps the 3.5 million survivors as best and as quickly as possible but also satisfies the donors. Transparency will be needed at every step, but there are other problems, too, especially how the aid will translate itself into help in a tangible form for the survivors in their tents. As experience in relief operations throughout the world shows, there is a time gap between the money pledged and the actual relief which the survivor gets at his doorstep. Given the bureaucratic bottlenecks and the procedural delays involved in international transactions, it will be quite some time before the millions shivering on the heights of Kashmir and the NWFP move into proper homes and have the benefit of medical treatment at proper hospitals. Given the kind of outdated organization and methods our government machinery has, aid utilization on such a big scale will need a modern approach that should ensure quick relief and in a manner that the aid-giving agencies and donor governments do not feel let down or frustrated.

The provision of immediate relief to the survivors must go hand in hand with long-term planning that requires scientific and engineering studies for building new, quake-proof houses and public buildings in a way that the imperatives of town planning and environment are not neglected. As for corruption, the government should know that its performance will be watched by the world very carefully. “Accountability” has been this military-led government’s major concern since the army coup in 1999; it must prove that it is capable of utilizing this aid in a way that is transparent from the word go and that any civilian or military officials found mismanaging or frittering away the aid will face accountability and suffer the consequences. Lastly, one only hopes the pledges will be fulfilled, and quickly.

Sri Lanka: a new president

THERE were no surprises when the results of Sri Lanka’s Nov 17 presidential election were announced. Getting just over 50 per cent of the vote, the new president and former prime minister, Mahinda Rajapakse, who is a member of former President Chandrika Kumaratunga’s Sri Lanka Freedom Party, was expected to do marginally better than his rival, opposition leader Ranil Wickremesinghe, on account of the poll boycott in the Tamil-dominated areas. Before the Tamil Tiger rebels (who have de facto control over much of northern and eastern Sri Lanka) indicated that they wanted voters to boycott the polls, it was expected that Mr Wikremesinghe would get crucial support from these areas, as opposed to Mr Rajapakse who was backed by Sinhalese nationalists and the Buddhist clergy. Clearly, the Tamils refrained from voting out of fear of the Tigers whose intimidation tactics included grenade attacks on polling day. But the militant organization’s stance still remains a subject of debate, especially since Mr Wikremesinghe, a moderate, can be credited with bringing about the 2002 ceasefire between the rebels and the government. On the other hand, the new president is known to be a hardliner and opposed to federalism.

The task before Mr Rajapakse is gargantuan. Although the truce has largely held, there has been no forward movement on the peace process for several months and the assassination of foreign minister Lakshman Kadirgamar by suspected Tiger snipers last August has aggravated matters. Moreover, the recent split in rebel ranks has created fears of renewed violence. For the sake of peace and for a definitive end to the 20-year civil war that has left 65,000 dead, one hopes that Mr Rajapakse will accede to Tamil demands for limited self-rule, even at the risk of incurring the ire of his allies including the Janatha Vimukhti Peramuna. Without political stability, it will be impossible for him to fulfil his other responsibilities, including the revival of the moribund economy and the task of reconstruction in the aftermath of the 2004 tsunami. One also expects Mr Rajapakse to refrain from indulging in parliamentary politics and bring all members of parliament on board in his plans to secure lasting peace on the island.

Crime in Punjab

GONE are the days when one associated rampant crime with Karachi. Today, no part of the country is reasonably free from crime, but in the past few years, the upsurge in Punjab should be a cause for serious concern. Newspapers are filled with reports of horrifying incidents that occur everyday and various agencies have documented gruesome acts — from the rise in kidnapping cases in Dera Ghazi Khan (220 cases in the first six months of this year) to the HRCP’s report on the crime wave to have hit south Punjab in the same period (262 men and 125 women murdered). Now another report on Friday shows that kidnapping for ransom has reached an alarmingly high level. Lahore tops the list with at least two cases of kidnapping every month. As of October this year, a total of 93 cases had been reported, underlining a deteriorating law and order situation. Most of the kidnapped victims in Lahore did not find any succour from the police and their release was secured only after families paid ransom. As expected, the police say that they do not have “enough skills and facilities to handle these cases”. This is perplexing given that the Punjab government has made an increase in budgetary allocations for crime control.

The police may be correct in saying that they do not possess sophisticated equipment that may enable them to arrest the culprits, but their apathy towards citizens and their ineffective investigation methods are well known. Their failure to apprehend criminals has only bolstered criminal activity and until the Punjab government commits itself wholeheartedly to curbing crime, incidents will continue to spread insecurity amongst people of the province. The promulgation of the Police Order in 2002, which addressed many of the issues plaguing the police department, has failed to have the desired impact and should be thoroughly reviewed.

Accountability in relief and rehabilitation

ADVERSITY, it is said, is a great teacher. The devastating earthquake of October 8, is the biggest natural disaster to strike Pakistan. Nearly a month has passed, and the number of casualties keeps rising, as a result of access to remote areas where more bodies are being recovered, but also, sadly, on account of more injured persons succumbing to their wounds for lack of timely medical care.

However, increasing numbers of individuals, who somehow manage to get out of areas flattened by the quake, say that even where distribution centres of relief supplies are in place, they are not distributing them with any sense of urgency because questions of policy and eligibility are under consideration.

This writer has personally helped a serving low-grade official who had to buy burial sheets on credit to bury several dead in his village near Batgram. Around a dozen quake affectees from the area around Balakot are sheltering with low-paid domestic servants in the writer’s vicinity. They are worried when the official machinery will be disbursing some cash to families to meet their needs, which are specific to each family.

The prime minister announced that Rs 25,000 would be paid to each family whose house has been destroyed. This fate has befallen the bulk of the over three million people living in the earthquake-hit area. This opens up a classical opportunity for corruption. This writer’s ancestral village in Shakargarh had been occupied in 1971 by the Indian forces. When they withdrew following the Simla Agreement, they systematically demolished all houses by removing wood used in roofs, doors and windows. The government decided to pay Rs 1,000 to each house owner. The local officials entrusted with the task would pay only Rs 500, and obtain a receipt for Rs 1,000. When the amounts being disbursed are much larger, the opportunities for corruption are greater.

The problem is that winter is almost on us, and is particularly severe in the quake-affected areas. The authorities are bound to be pondering the remedies against dishonesty, by both claimants and paymasters. But, as UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan stressed, a second Wave of deaths may occur unless shelter and food are provided immediately.

We have a deeply ingrained bureaucratic culture, which is especially prevalent in the civilian government where number of federal and provincial employees exceeds two million. Unfortunately, the same Pakistanis, who are highly rated abroad for their efficiency and innovative skills, become infected by this culture of delays, prompting avoidable objections, and harassing the citizen till he either gets a higher-up to intervene, or pays a consideration that “puts wheels under the file”. So prevalent is this practice that I have come across responsible officials who pay the bribe demanded in order to expedite matters. They know the capacity of any office to keep raising objections if they do not oblige.

Many people feel that we make our rules and routines too complicated, which provides opportunities to clerks and other officials to bring up technicalities. However, if procedures are made easy, there is a tendency to exploit or abuse them. When this writer’s medical claims went through repeated movements up and down the same channels several times, the explanation given was that many persons resort to fraudulent claims, and the repeated scrutiny was meant to discourage false claims. At the same time, stories abound of influential persons like members of parliament using their medical privileges in a cavalier manner. The basic malady that has spread in Pakistan, as it has in many other developing countries, is the inclination to abuse power and responsibility in order to amass wealth as rapidly as possible.

That most of us are Muslims, whose faith is based on accountability, does not seem to influence our behaviour. The Islamic punishments, such as cutting the hand of a thief, seem to be more effective than Anglo-Saxon law, that encourages legalistic quibbling and enriches lawyers and corrupt judges. The president has publicly given an assurance that the use of funds donated so generously by Pakistanis and foreigners alike would be used with total transparency.

This guarantee is presumably based on his confidence that with the army heading both the short-term relief campaign and the long-term reconstruction process, military discipline would be enforced. One hopes his confidence is borne out in practice. If the colossal amounts (in excess of $12 billion or Rs 720 billion) involved, and the implementation work extending into remote areas, one is bound to feel concerned about the proclivity to put one’s hand in the till that prevails in developing countries.

Even if the president’s commitment is met, the fact remains that despite the enormity of the human and material devastation, the civilian hierarchy does not appear ready to learn a lesson, or to change its attitude following what many people believe was a warning from Heaven. The topic of eliminating corruption is now on the agenda of the UN as well as major financial institutions such as the World Bank and the IMF.

Even the struggle of the poorer countries for structural changes in the global economic order is countered by the affluent with the argument that the blame for poverty lies with the poorer countries themselves, whose leaders tend to be unprincipled and corrupt.

One way to seek a remedy for the malady of corruption, which usually discourages economic growth, is to look at success stories in fighting corruption among developing Islamic countries. The example that comes readily to mind and which is relevant for Pakistan is that of Malaysia. This writer has had several opportunities to visit Malaysia between 1974 and 1994, and raised the question with the usually soft-spoken Malaysians how they had risen to a high level in terms of transparency of administration.

A vice-minister, who had studied in Pakistan, gave an explanation which is worth pondering. Malaysia has three major components in its population: the Muslim Malays, who account for 57 per cent of the population, Chinese who constitute 33 per cent and Indians (mostly Tamils) who are 10 per cent. The latter two are descendants of immigrants, with the Chinese dominating trade and commerce, while Indians are prominent in the professions, including the bureaucracy. Since independence, the Malay-dominated governments have sought to increase the share of the sons of the soil (bhumiputras) in the government as well as in the economy. The country has been fortunate to have enjoyed political stability, with the present Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi being the fifth elected leader since 1957.

Malaysia had its share of weaknesses in administration until Dr Mahathir Mohammad, who held power for almost twenty years, introduced two basic requirements for all civil servants: they would arrive for work punctually and carry their name tags, which would make it possible for members of the public to identify them. The strict enforcement of these regulations had a salutary effect on the performance of the bureaucracy. If civil servants arrive at work punctually, they can finish more paperwork, and if they misbehave in any way, the citizens can identify them and take up their grievances with higher officials.

In Pakistan, senior officers of the armed forces carry their nametags, but for some inexplicable reason this practice is not followed by the civilian officials. This is a relatively cost-effective reform to introduce. The concept of punctuality exists, but is not enforced. Another requirement that is honoured more in the breach than in observance is that of personal visits to offices of subordinate staff by officers, which could ensure that the public is being handled with courtesy and in a proping manner.

The parliament, in a truly democratic system is the main instrument of accountability and should protect the rights of the citizens against any bureaucratic excesses. Unfortunately, the way our administration is managed, the elected representatives are busy most of the time bringing pressure on officials to flout rules in favour of their favourites or relations. When officials find themselves compelled to violate the laws and rules under such pressure, they feel encouraged to do the same to other citizens for monetary gains. Even the process of accountability has usually been applied to political opponents, who return the compliment when they come to power. In practice, there tends to be more corruption under “elected” governments than under military rule, which is why time and again civilian governments have been removed for abuse of power and corruption.

The problems thrown up by the earthquake are going to involve huge amounts of money, as well as relief goods. Within a month of the calamity, while both Pakistani and foreign donors have responded generously, the criminal elements in the affected areas have been attacking trucks carrying relief goods and selling looted supplies. One cannot but be appalled by such criminal behaviour in areas that are undergoing the ordeal of a killer earthquake that has affected virtually all families in another areas. This highlights the culture of greed that has spread in our society without fear of answerability before God that is basic to our faith.

We are situated in a seismic zone that is liable to have serious earthquakes in any part. We believe that natural disasters can be a manifestation of Divine displeasure with any people who turn in large numbers to injustice and evil.

Therefore, the monumental effort that will be needed over the next five to ten years for rehabilitation and reconstruction over a large area in the northern part of the country must be accompanied by measures to reform our bureaucratic culture accompanied by efforts to improve the moral and spiritual affects of life of the nation.

The writer is a former ambassador.