Bridging the Turkey-EU divide
By Syed Mohibullah Shah
THE accession talks for Turkish membership to the EU that began last Monday have a significance that goes far beyond the borders of Europe. Turkey did not come this far without wrenching delays and disappointments. Soon after the European Economic Community was formed in 1957, it was among the first countries to apply for associated membership of the EEC in 1959 which it obtained in 1963. It applied again for full membership in 1987 but was officially recognized as a candidate after 12 years.
Turkey had to wait another six years before membership negotiations started this October. All of this doesn’t sound a positive note for membership prospects.
However, all that is behind us, but what lies ahead? After a further 10 years of negotiations to harmonize social, economic and legal systems and procedures between Turkey and the EU, any member can still veto its entry. And if Austria’s last-minute spanner in the works to extract concessions for Croatia is any indication, it is likely that there will be other obstacles along the way.
So Turkey will continue to remain on tenterhooks. But what would it mean for the credibility of the EU if Turkey’s membership is seen still facing additional handicaps and discriminatory treatment even after 10 years’ of arduous and painful negotiations? Specially, when it is known that some others who became members earlier were less qualified than Turkey at the time of their membership?
It has been said that Turkey’s historical background has been creating ambivalence in the minds of some segments of the EU population. But history has also divided European nations. Still, the promotion of a common vision and shared interests under the EU umbrella has been powerful enough to wash away past bitterness. The European project, which its founding fathers launched with Treaty of Rome in 1957, has achieved great success as it has promoted the time-tested wisdom of ‘common interest’ as a means of ensuring peace among historic enemies, and Europe has seen its longest period of peace and rising prosperity since then. So why is this principle not applied to Turkey?
That European project had successfully built bridges across racial, linguistic and cultural divides among European nations as also across the bitter legacies of many wars. Why should the secular EU stop its successful project of building bridges now that it has come up against a religious divide? The principal criteria for EU membership include democracy, rule of law, protection of human rights including that of minorities and a market economy. These are good values for Turkey with or without the EU. And the incentive of membership has already worked as Turkey has been deemed by the EU to have made sufficient progress in reforms towards democracy, human rights and economy and increasing compatibility with European systems.
Another 10 years of working with the EU would bring Turkey increased trade and investment flows and other assistance to improve its human and physical capital and become a much bigger asset to Europe than many of its other members. Turkey would emerge as a large democratic country, a competitive economy, governed by rule of law and upholding equal rights for all including minorities.
These will help in the flowering of the potential of her human resources and turning them into competitive producers of the Union. Given Turkey’s strategic location, how can Europe afford to ignore such an economic powerhouse with its strategic links to the Middle Eastern and Central Asian markets?
That may be true, but critics argue that many in the EU have been wary of opening doors to a predominantly Muslim country, and consequently, some of their government leaders have been discovering new reasons to delay or derail the process. Although there is a hard core of those who may not want to move away from past prejudices most of those who have expressed reservations on Turkish entry seem to have done so out of the fear of the unknown and concerns for unemployment rather than out of cultural and religious prejudice.
The research and surveys conducted subsequent to the French and Dutch referendums have also confirmed that the enlargement of Europe in general and the Turkish candidacy in particular are not the key factors behind the rejection of the European constitution treaty. It is pertinent to recall that the writings of former British foreign secretary, the late Robin Cook, who also attributed negative feelings about the European constitution in some countries to the poor work of European politicians in addressing peoples’ economic concerns and uncertainties.
About half the European population is already supportive of Turkey’s entry into EU as they see a vast potential economic market for growth and prosperity. With Turkey the EU with a population of 550 million in 2015 would become the third largest market after China and India. Also with Turkey joining its ranks, it would become a younger organization. Facing demographic challenges, millions of young workers from Turkey would be needed to run trade, industry and services in Europe.
After another 10 years of progress, would EU refuse to embrace all these assets and say ‘no’ to Turkey to please religious prejudices? Or would its politicians do a better job of addressing the concerns of their people and still win global status for EU? And if all this fails to materialize, it becomes relevant to ask why Turkey, with its strong assets, could accept anything less than full and equal treatment?
But why should all this matter to anyone outside Europe? Because the debate that has been raging for years about the pros and cons of Turkey’s membership, has made it increasingly clear to even secular Muslims that despite Turkey’s economic, and political merits, it is the religion of its people that is holding Turkey back from receiving fair treatment. And this, despite the fact that the state of Turkey has been more secular for over 80 years than many of the existing member states of the EU.
Many from Asia to America would also be watching to see if the ‘European model’ for democracy and human rights works better than some other models in the market. For a number of reasons, the internal power structure of civil society institutions in many of these countries is weak. What is good about the EU model is that it builds upon a ‘common interest’ to override differences of race, language, culture, religion and thus even the bitter legacies of wars and bloodshed are forgotten. And just as important, this model promotes common interests and values amongst people — rather then just governments — which is what makes it so binding and irreversible.
Many are already favourably comparing the European model to the US model of ‘shock and awe’ to introduce democracy and human rights, which has further fuelled the fires of anger and extremism, besides adding to the misery of millions of people.
As the EU and Turkey work on the negotiations, many in the outside world, particularly in Muslim majority countries, will be watching and wishing them success. The success of the European model would help promote a peaceful transition to democracy in many of their societies. Peace and prosperity in these countries cannot be separated from global peace as we can neither live in isolation of nor in conflict with one another across civilizations.
For quite some time now, we have been hearing talk about the clash of civilizations. It is good to know that there are some who want to build bridges across civilizations and work together to promote a common vision for the common interest of all. But it is too early to tell if such a European model would actually emerge.
Email: smshah@alum.mit.edu


