It is unfortunate that prime ministerial salutations to the teaching community notwithstanding, there was no message of hope on Salam Teachers' Day for those involved in the rigorous task of imparting education to millions of children and young adults across the country.
Participating in a function to mark the day in Islamabad, Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz announced no measures aimed at bettering the lot of teachers who toil under demanding conditions with no reward in sight.
There was only a vague promise to "do my best" that must have been a source of much disappointment to thousands in the profession, even though Mr Aziz reflected on the importance of good teachers in society.
The truth is that celebrations of the sort observed on Tuesday cannot hide the reality that the teaching profession is no longer accorded the respect that is its due. Very few of those entering the profession, at least in the public sector, make it their goal to stimulate intellectual curiosity in young minds.
They are there chiefly because they have been unable to find more paying employment opportunities and because of the lack of competition in the field. It is difficult to blame them for their non-serious attitude, an aspect of which is widespread absenteeism.
So plagued are teachers by problems of inadequate transport arrangements, finances, etc., that they tend to focus more on personal grievances than the shortcomings of the educational sector.
Professionally, too, they suffer as there are few opportunities for self-improvement through training schemes while the absence of educational aids and proper classroom facilities renders teaching more of a chore than an exercise in stimulating mental activity.
The government can do better than merely paying lip service to the profession. It can embark upon measures aimed at inspiring teachers to do greater justice to their profession as the harbingers of change in a society throttled by the demons of illiteracy.
The question remains
American commentators are tying themselves in knots seeking to figure out what Defence Secretary Donald Rumsfeld had in mind when he said he knew of no "strong, hard evidence" linking Saddam Hussein with Al Qaeda. How will this impact on President Bush's chances in the November election, it is being asked.
Is Mr Rumsfeld actually Democratic challenger John Kerry's secret weapon of mass destruction against Mr Bush? Compare the defence secretary's latest statement with the categorical assertions previously made by him about the unseating of Saddam Hussein and Al Qaeda, and it's hard to explain the backtracking.
Look also at what Paul Bremer, the man sent by Mr Bush as his consul to Iraq and who made such an unholy mess of things, has to say about the lack of adequate troops to control the post-invasion situation.
This carries the implication that the Bush administration hadn't really thought through what it would do after unseating Saddam and capturing Iraq. Mr Bremer spoke from a prepared text; Mr Rumsfeld is not known to have ever spoken without carefully considering his words.
So how does one explain this sudden outbreak of candour amidst the welter of half-truths and lies that have marked the US government's official stance over the Iraq war? Both the WMD and Al Qaeda links that were advanced as reasons for the war have been knocked out.
Blaming it all on faulty intelligence isn't going to bring the thousands of Iraqis killed back to life. It isn't going to provide much solace to those whose families have been shattered, their houses destroyed and their livelihood snatched away from them.
Mr Bush's father had not gone after Saddam in the first Gulf war in 1991 and had withdrawn from Iraq because he knew better than his son that the US wouldn't be able to stay on and control the consequences.
Beyond the morbid satisfaction one can draw from the discomfiture of the Bush administration as the case for its war unravels, the more serious question remains. How is the present anarchy and chaos in Iraq to be ended? The lack of easy answers itself underlines the gravity of the initial blunder.