| 19 September 2004 | Sunday | 03 Shaban 1425 |
Some ideas on IDEAS-2004
Tributes for Ashfaque Ahmed
Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz said on Thursday a decision by President Pervez Musharraf to retain his post as army chief in addition to his office as president beyond December 31 would be in the "interest of the country's stability and solidarity". The prime minister's pronouncement made to media representatives at a function near Rawalpindi may be taken as a sign that the issue is virtually settled in favour of the president retaining his uniform and rank as army chief, if he so decides.
However, the president's expected decision can by no means be regarded as the end of the matter in political and constitutional terms. The prime minister's supportive statement to the campaign for a continued dual role for President Musharraf, initiated formally by the country's largest provincial assembly, has not come as a surprise. But it does significantly and clearly indicate that the decision to change the fundamental federal and parliamentary base of Pakistan's democratic structure is being firmly laid under the fourth spell of military rule, contrary to the repeated declarations of the founder of Pakistan that Pakistan would be a modern democracy.
General Musharraf has already overcome another constitutional obstacle by claiming he had "won a referendum" some time ago to stay in office as president until 2007, that is, about two years longer than the five-year term under the law.
However, what has remained unsaid so far by the ruling elite is whether the exemption for General Musharraf will be followed also in the case of a successor COAS who might at some time or the other take over from him. Or would the contemplated exemption be Musharraf-specific and for this once only?
It will be pertinent to recall here that not too long ago, President Musharraf had eloquently spoken in support of the country's first martial law in 1958 by General Ayub Khan, which had evoked deep resentment in the opposition, particularly in the erstwhile East Pakistan.
The news of Ayub's martial law was given to this writer, then posted as the APP correspondent in Calcutta (Kolkatta), in an early morning telephone call from the journalist of an Urdu newspaper. Breaking the news, the journalist, in an obvious taunt, said: "I thought let me be the first to congratulate you on the emergence of your army chief as your new ruler."
The immediate reaction was that the military coup was a disaster which would open the floodgates not only to other army coups but cause further turmoil specially in East Pakistan. I was posted to India immediately after a two-year stay as the APP correspondent in Dhaka, and as such knew of the simmering discontent and anger against West Pakistan there following the dismissal of the Jugto front government of the elderly chief minister Fazlul Haq, dissolution of the provincial assembly and imposition of governor's rule under the prime minister's order from Karachi. One shuddered to think of the repercussions from the Ayub takeover.
While it may be too early to speculate about the future course of events and actions that might follow in the coming months, it looks as if the Punjab Assembly's initiation of the campaign for a dual role for the president has evoked considerable controversy and opposition in parliament and outside. It also looks ironical that we appear to be heading towards strengthening the centre as against the move and demand for greater autonomy for the units of the federation.
Afghanistan, where terms like 'elections' and 'democracy' were almost never heard of, is preparing to stage its presidential election next month and general elections next year. In Pakistan, parliament and assemblies which had already abdicated some of their vital rights and powers are throwing their weight behind a well coordinated campaign to mobilize public opinion in favour of abolishing a mandatory constitutional bar on General Musharraf continuing with both his offices in government and the army.
Prime Minister Aziz's statement clearly gives the message that so far as the loyal legislators and the government are concerned, the issue has been settled in favour of General Musharraf. But informed circles and analysts appear to be divided whether he would have a smooth sailing even after that. The militants' war in South Waziristan, the uneasy situation in Balochistan and intensified military action against extremists across the country are not entirely without their dangers.
Although not much of an adverse reaction is anticipated from Washington on the developments in Pakistan, they certainly are engaging attention in India with which Pakistan has been in a critical dialogue on Kashmir and many important issues since the beginning of this year. How the president's decision will impinge on these fronts, as well as on domestic politics, remains to be seen.
Some ideas on IDEAS-2004
As if there was no regard whatsoever for the citizens of this metropolis, the way in which traffic chaos and suffocation resulted due to the security measures that were in place for the international defence exhibition, IDEAS-2004, held at the Expo Centre on University Road, this week.
As if there was no sympathy for the agony and anguish suffered by the old and ailing people who must have been trapped in that traffic mess, which went on for hours and hours, at being unable to reach their destinations, including hospitals.
As if there was no concern regarding the fact that schools, colleges and universities were open, and functioning (with NED university's exams due to begin on Sept 20, tomorrow), that for schoolchildren and female students to be caught in that security-related traffic paralysis.
As if there was no awareness of the fact the average Karachiites were being subjected to relentless and disgusting closures and diversions, which made people desperate and weary eventually, and made them wonder where their city was taking them. Where really?
And this is where I regard it as appropriate to wonder whether this is the kind of future (of course it could get infinitely and impossibly worse) for a city, where bridges, flyovers, and bypasses, (and so on) were being built, but which, at the same time, was also being outdone by insecurity and poverty (not of fanciful ideas and promises), and faced with a population growth that defies all perception and management.
What is the kind of future that lies ahead if the number of cars alone keeps on increasing as it is happening, and if the roads get so narrow that no 'road-map' for the future will be relevant. Where is that urban planning, and designing, which can make poor citizens of the Sindh capital believe that the country understands their dilemmas.
There is a need, urgent and emergent, that has to be perceived, in the light of the insecurity that this city breeds.
Indeed, the Defence exhibition. The country needs such concepts and their realization as well, but first see the infrastructure that is available for such ventures. It is so insecure that almost an entire city had to be subjected to distress of sorts (to put it mildly) and delays of unimaginable proportions, caused by closures and diversions of even main arteries. Or they were subjected to security checks and barriers when their residential and commercial areas were targeted for high-profile security steps and the distinguished visitors, who had come for the IDEAS-2004.
There were detailed reports and photographs in this daily and elsewhere of how people had to suffer, and it made one wonder of what those visitors thought of it all. I can imagine what residents in some parts of Gulshan-i-lqbal (blocks, 16, 17 and 18 for example), went through for a week, or what those shopkeepers, and merchants felt when they had to close shops to abide the rules of the game. The rules that seem to be becoming the norm.
One says this because with the passage of time the nature, degree and frequency of visible security measures is on the incline, and there does not appear to be a drop in them or relief for the common man. Surely one purpose of such prestigious national events is to make the people of that city feel good, proud, and possessive. They should own what is being done. Not just wonder why at all has their city been selected for such events that make their daily lives difficult, frustrating and irritating by the hour.
lt made people wonder why at all was such a major event held in the city instead of Islamabad, for example, which has an in-built integrated system of high-profile security, and a Margalla ambience that becomes prettier in September! Why Karachi, a city whose population grows almost daily, and where security factors remain a huge challenge.
What downtown Karachi suffers from as a result of sudden, scheduled and unscheduled closures, when VVIPs are in town (President and Prime Minister for example), or the measures that are in place for the US consulate general or the counsel general. And with the Japanese consulate general coming up opposite the Marriott Hotel, it is symbolic of what lies ahead.
A kind of environmental nightmare, one fears, and in passing a thought goes out to a major power failure that hit us last week, for a dreadfully long duration, and for shorter snappy spells during the rest of the week. Someone said that the power failure was related to the IDEAS-2004, but that was stretching the point too far. But this citizen was amongst those who was very angry for the dislocation that had taken place in his working schedule because of the road closures.
In particular, he mentioned the difficulties that were faced in the heart of the city with the complete closure of the Dr Ziauddin Ahmad Road, from 6pm to midnight, for two consecutive evenings (Sept 15 and 16).
From the list of roads and lanes and bye-lanes that were closed, and the resultant impact, it was obvious that the impact of the closures and diversions was widespread, which was not just limited to the area around the Hasan Square near the Expo Centre, or the Club Road and Ziauddin Road, where Pearl Continental Hotel and the Karachi Sheraton Hotel were located. But it was felt deep into residential areas, and with the visits of president and the prime minister too, there was that aspect of the security umbrella that came into operation when Raja Ghazanfar Ali Khan Road (which has the Army House) was closed.
A report on these pages on Sept 13 said: "A chaotic situation was witnessed when police apparently getting panicky by the president's arrival, closed many roads around the Army House .... Mismanagement, mainly on the part of the police started disturbing the normal flow of traffic since Friday night, when the city's premier thoroughfare, Sharea Faisal, was blocked at its Awami Markaz section at about 1.30am without making a formal announcement to this effect."
That word mismanagement is so familiar to us. To attribute it to the traffic police is at times an understatement. One realizes truly that it could have been a lot worse, it must be conceded. But it must also be conceded that Karachiites have heaved a sigh of relief now that the defence exhibition is over, and some sort of outer normalcy will return to the roads. I say this with caution, and have my reservations, for there could well be other causes for chaos on the city roads. Those who reside here know it well.
A colleague of mine wondered seriously, and in good faith, that this defence show could have been shifted to the protected ambience of Malir, for example, and the citizens would have been spared the helplessness that they felt.
Two years from now, unless the security environment here drastically improves, and town planning manifests itself in a decent, disciplined manner, such exhibition may be a far worse experience. And what does our history teach us, dear reader!!
Tributes for Ashfaque Ahmed
It was a thinly attended meeting of the Adab Serai this time mostly because the local chapter of the Pakistan Academy of Letters (PAL) had arranged a condolence reference for Ashfaque Ahmed the same afternoon. Although the given time of the two functions showed a gap of almost two hours, people are averse to rushing from one venue to the other, especially when punctuality is something unknown in the country. The PAL had collaborated with the management of the Quaid-i-Azam Library and arranged the reference in its lecture hall while the Adab Serai had to meet quite a distance away at the Model Town residence of Shahnaz Muzammil.
The condolence reference was largely attended and those invited to speak on the occasion were also there, except for Intizar Husain who had to leave for Islamabad and Shehzad Ahmed for reasons unknown. The rest, Farkhanda Lodhi, Bushra Ijaz, Dr Khwaja Zakariya, Dr Anis Nagi, Azhar Javed and Asghar Nadeem Syed were very much there. So was the veteran writer-journalist, Hameed Akhtar, who was asked to occupy the presidential chair. At the same time, Swela Anees, the daughter-in-law of the late Ashfaque Ahmed was invited to be the guest of honour. Incidentally, Swela happens to be the daughter of another literary figure, Siddiqa Begum, who edits the Adab-i-Latif.
Tributes paid to the departed personality were of the usual kind - that he had a unique style, that he impressed both with the pen and by word of mouth, that he was the best story writer of his time, that his radio and TV plays were highly appreciated and so on.
However, special mention was paid to the fact that Ashfaque Ahmed was one of those seniors who provided a direction to Pakistani writers and determined a path for them to follow. Adopting social issues for his plays, he performed the role of a reformer as well. Never shy of offering advice to others, especially to the younger lot, he was a guide to a host of writers during his lifetime.
So far as the other function that evening is concerned, it attracted only a limited number of people. Karamat Bukhari and a few other regulars of the Adab Serai were there but many more were missing. I was particularly surprised to find the editor of the Shohar-i-Namdar, the 'always present' Shaista Hasan, missing that evening.
After a fateha for Ashfaque Ahmed and review of some new publications, the usual round of poetic recitals started. Karamat Bukhari came up with a ghazal with a difficult rhyming scheme.
* * * * *
I met Qaiser Tamkeen for the first time in 1997 when he was in Lahore during one of his visits to the subcontinent. An Indian national, he has been living in England for about 40 years. Despite that sole meeting, he still seems to remember me as he has sent me his latest publication through a common friend, the well known writer and former head of the Urdu department at the FC College, Dr Agha Suhail. The book has been published in Pakistan.
Tamkeen is basically a journalist as he joined the profession soon after getting his master's in English literature from the Lukhnow University. He has worked for the Indian Express besides other Urdu and English newspapers. He has also done stint with the Times, London. However, he is better known to the Urdu readers as a short story writer although I rate him higher as a literary critic. Besides Khabargeer, a book of his experiences in the print media, he has eight published collections of short stories. But, as I have said earlier, his genius becomes evident through his critical appreciation of other writers. The book that I have now received from him is Tanqeed ki Maut. Its contents are evident from the title.
Every article in the book is worth reading but I can only write about a few.
Under the heading, Maghribi Adeeb Aur Hum, he regrets our ranking them among the greats. This, he says, is done blindly as people have not studied them in depth. In this connection, he gives examples of TS Eliot and Dostoevsky who have ridiculed the faith of others. Considering a large part of the human race as subhuman, Eliot says: "The Jew is beneath the rats." Similarly, Dostoevsky has labelled the Mohammedan religion as 'vile'. So far as Brecht is concerned, Tamkeen proves that he was a complete fraud. He not only published the works of others in his own name but also dressed like a poor man while in communist (east) Germany but lived in luxury in Europe.
Another article is in support of the ghazal which, he says, is an everlasting genre of Urdu poetry.
I'll just mention one more article. It is about the misfortune of Josh (Josh ki Badqismati). Speaking highly of the self-respecting nature of Josh Malihabadi, the author says he never accepted the superiority of the British. The main misfortune of Josh is that he does not consider himself belonging to any region but only to Urdu, a language which is on the decline. Further, one should not ponder over the human weaknesses of Josh when assessing his greatness as a poet. As a poet of nazm, he ranks only second to Iqbal. Unfortunately, he never held any high office through which he could oblige people who would have been singing his praises.