| June 19, 2003 | Thursday | Rabi-us-Sani 18, 1424 |
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Cricket: a pipe-dream
Traffic muddle
CPSP’s performance
A graduate’s complaint
Free education for all children
Massacre in Balochistan
Who is more wrong?
Gift of peace
2003: the year of Fatima Jinnah
REPORTS of intermittent moves on both sides towards an Indo-Pakistan rapprochement are accompanied, sadly enough, by Indian claims of the killings by their security forces of a dozen or more Kashmiris on a more or less daily basis. Since April 18, when Prime Minister Vajpayee signalled a relaxation in India’s confrontational posture and the possibility of turning over of a new leaf in Pakistan-India relations, several hundred Kashmiris have been killed by Indian forces, according to claims by Indian spokesmen.
While the “peace process” proceeds by fits and starts amidst continuing Indian allegations and conditionalities, the prospects of a meeting at the summit or even at the foreign minister’s level are still in the distant future. There is, nonetheless, a definite awakening of a hope on both sides of an end to the sterile strife and the establishment of harmonious relations. The daily killings of the Kashmiris (the people who are at the heart of the core issue), however, dampens the newly-revived hopes and darkens the light dimly visible at the end of the tunnel.
How can the desired improvement in atmosphere, indispensable for the success of the peace moves, take place in the face of the ongoing daily murders of the Kashmiris resulting from the aggressive, pre-emptive and proactive operations against Kashmiri militants and the civilians by the Indian security forces.
In significantly raising the ante of repression in occupied Kashmir, while offering to turn over a new leaf in relations with Pakistan, India is attempting a policy of carrot and stick, a strategy which has not succeeded for the past 56 years in quelling the Kashmiri movement.
While the freedom struggle is not likely to fade away, a significant lowering of violence on both sides, much more on the part of the mammoth Indian forces, is an essential pre-requisite to the establishment of a conducive atmosphere for the success of the peace process. In order to achieve this, India must clamp down on its offensive operations, release thousands of illegally-held Kashmiris whose detention has been testified to by inter-national human rights agencies, put an end to torture and mayhem and significantly reduce its military presence in the valley.
Over half a century back, to be exact on June 26, 1952 (as recorded by an Indian journalist in a dispatch from New Delhi, published in your columns a week back), Pandit Nehru had warned the Indian parliament that “Kashmiris are very close to our minds and hearts but if by some decree or adverse fortune, Kashmir ceases to be a part of India, it would be a wrench and pain and torment.
“However, our strongest bonds with the Kashmiris are not those enforced by the army or by the Constitution, to which so much reference has been made. If the people of Kashmir do not wish to remain with us, let them go by all means, we will not keep them against their will, however, painful it may be to us.”
MAHDI MASUD
Karachi
ONE fine morning I excitedly turn on the television to watch a cricket match which I have been looking forward to eagerly. As the players walk on to the field, I notice, to my amazement, that they are dressed in spotless white, without any logos. At first I rub my eyes, then check if the colours have gone berserk in my TV set. They have not. Neither have I gone colour-blind.
The players resemble humans, instead of some exotic tropical bird. No player is sporting a week’s stubble or chewing gum with a vengeance — i.e. he is not trying to ape a tobacco-chewing character in a western movie. The back of the umpires’ coats does not extol us to fly a certain airline. The bowler is using a red ball and the beginning of his run-up is not marked with some giant advertisement of cigarettes or soft drinks.
There are no advertising hoarding along the boundary line. The match begins and, soon enough, a wicket falls but the bowler does not go berserk or make an obscene gesture with his arm. Neither does he mouth an obscenity or point to the pavilion. The fielders don’t perform a war dance. After the batsman (whom the commentator does not call “the batter”) has played a shot, it is not replayed a dozen times.
Then the fielder (again, mercifully, the commentator does not call him “the fieldsman”) takes a catch cleanly without playing to the galleries by taking several tumbles. After being replayed twice on the screen, the game continues. Again, I’m spared the torture of a dozen replays. Then a batsman knicks the ball to the keeper and, be-fore anyone has time to appeal, begins to walk. Speaking of which, I don’t hear any ear-splitting appeals, nor do the fielders rush the umpire in an intimidatory fashion. Suddenly, I realize, to my utter delight, that an hour’s play has been televised without the interruption of a single advertisement!
At the end of the match, the announcer calls forth both captains, without mentioning a “losing” or “winning captain”. They chat about the match and how it went. When the Man of the Match is announced, the player goes forth simply to shake hands and receives a memento. He is not handed an atrocious, five-foot cheque, nor is there any announcement of money by anyone.
There is no prize car, hazard lights flashing. Just as well, I think, else the poor thing would have had to bear the burden of a dozen, flag-weaving, raucous brigands, as it creaked its way around the field. All in all, I have had the pleasure to watch a game of real cricket, instead of a vulgar pyjama party’s attempt at aping baseball mannerisms — no coloured clothing or logos, no giant, illogical numbers on the players’ backs, no advertising hoarding, no slanging, no obscene gesturing, no spitting.
The match is over and I switch to the news. Two heads of state are shaking hands across the table while actually looking at each other. This is getting infectious, I say to myself. What is the world coming to? Not much, really. This is the stuff dreams are made of. But then, what does it cost to dream?
NASRULLAH
Karachi
THE improved flow of traffic at Karachi’s Old Exhibition, Guru Mandir and Nagin Chowrangi has been ably highlighted by your reporter Azizullah Sharif (June 9). Efforts made by all those connected with these projects are highly commendable.
There is, however, a little problem at Old Exhibition which was overlooked at the time of its planning which is causing great inconvenience to a large number of motorists. The Old Exhibition roundabout was one of the largest crossroads of the city before the redesigning and implementation of the new traffic flow. The vehicles from the Shahrah-i-Quaideen and Nizami Road in Lines Area could negotiate the roundabout and could go to Soldier Bazar, Guru Mandir, Lawrence Road or Nazimabad.
Now the facility to turn right is no more available and the motorists wishing to go to those areas have to drive towards Saddar up to Prince Cinema, which is 1-1/2 kilometres from Nizami Road before taking a U-turn. Driving down to Prince Cinema and back again to Old Exhibition on the jampacked Bunder Road is tortuous, time-consuming and waste of fuel. Some small vehicles like motorcycles and auto-rickshaws coming from Nizami Road drive on the right side of the road in order to save three kilometres extra drive. This is hazardous and causing serious road accidents. Only the other day an unfortunate person was crushed to death by a speeding minibus.
Nizami Road, though not very wide, is a very busy road and a hub of activities in this area. There is a very large school for deaf, dumb and blind at the junction of Nizami Road and Old Exhibition. Next to this school is a large centre for the rehabilitation of physically and mentally-handicapped children and a free dispensary. Opposite this centre is a girls school. There is quite a lot of traffic because of these institutions.
Another point overlooked by the designers is that between Guru Mander and Prince Cinema, only one right turn is allowed on this section of the road and it is before the Quaid’s Mazar.
The distance between this right turn and the next at Prince Cinema is about two kilometres. Bunder Road is neither a motorway nor a free way. It passes through most congested areas of the city with commercial buildings on each side of the road and thickly populated residential areas at their back. Driving two kilometres on this road just to make a U-turn is sufficient to try the patience of any driver.
In view of the above facts, the city nazim is requested to install a traffic light at the Old Exhibition for turning right or provide a U-turn facility about 100 metres after the Old Exhibition crossroads.
CDR (R) H. M. KIDWAI
Karach
THIS refers to a recent report saying that the College of Physicians and Surgeons Pakistan (CPSP) has de-affiliated most of the medical institutes in Pakistan for the training of the students for MCPS and FCPS.
The Royal Colleges in the UK allows the students working in a large number of hospitals (with no teaching facility) to appear in the MRCP, FRCS and MRCPG examinations. The students have to show the type and amount of work done in these hospitals. The examiners judge the ability of the candidates, irrespective of the place they have worked.
The condition that the institutions which are not able to pay their trainees a stipend equivalent to that of the BPS-17 are de-affiliated is unrealistic and absurd. I mean the budget of the institutes should be increased by the government. Our country is very short of specialists. This ‘condition’ will result in depriving a large number of doctors of undertaking postgraduate studies.
I think the performance of the CPSP is going down day by day. The rhetoric of the president of the CPSP in comparing the FCPS with the membership and fellowship is absurd. The standard of knowledge of the FCPS specialists, barring a few, is very poor. This is because of the incompetence of the CPSP and the fault of examiners who often pass the candidates who are not up to the mark. Influence and ‘recommendation’ are partly responsible for it. This must stop.
In UK colleges have almost weekly lectures from renowned specialists. The CPSP never has such lectures. In Britain, the college arrange regular courses two or three times a year. The CPSP occasionally conducts such courses. The fee is very high. It appears the course is for commercial purpose.
The CPSP is being run by the people who have very little knowledge of postgraduate education. While other countries, are progressing, we are regressing.
PROF SULAIMAN AHMAD KHAN
Karachi
I HAVE recently graduated with an MBA degree from one the most reputed business institutes of the country. Like every aspiring individual with a view to utilizing knowledge, I applied in all the well-known organizations of the city, Union Bank Limited being one of them.
Because of the increasing degree of competition, the organizations have started the policy of conducting preliminary tests to screen out the numerous applicants. However, even to appear in the initial tests every organization has its own requirements which the prospective candidates have to meet. Union Bank Limited had placed such a requirement and called in candidates having a GPA (Grade Point Average) of 3.33 and above. A couple of my colleagues who have a GPA of 3.33, as do I, were called in for the test scheduled for June 12, 2003.
Puzzled as to why I didn’t get a call, I made an inquiry and, to my utter disbelief, I found that they had picked out candidates on a matter of fact basis leaving out deserving individuals, simply because they could not go through all the applications. I had sent in my application more than a month back.
My only complaint is that everyone who did make an effort to apply and who met their requirements should have been given equal opportunity to prove themselves in the test, as it is very disheartening if the organizations develop such an attitude and leave individuals in a quagmire of confusion.
A GRADUATE
Karachi
IN his column, “There is time for everything” (June 9), Mr Iqbal Jafar has made a good diagnosis. He has named some major ills of the country. viz. religious militancy, supremacy of the army, huge debts and political instability.
My question is very simple: why is the government not paying proper attention to stop the rapid population growth? Secondly, why is basic education not available for all? Education is the base of self-awareness, self-esteem and innovations.
Unless there is a compulsory and genuine education system for all children, there would be no real development in Pakistan. The government is privatizing many educational institutions. In my opinion, it is a wrong and discriminatory step. In such a system only the children of the rich would have access to education.
One can see that we are consciously following the system of our previous colonial masters. Our defence budget of is roughly 110 times inexcusably higher than the real expenditure on education. Are we going to defend the interest of the elite?
TANWEER HUSSAIN
Bickenbach, Germany
THIS refers to the massacre of 12 Balochistan police trainees and a subsequent ambush in which a very senior police officer and four constables, who were on their way to condole the death of a colleague, were killed in cold blood. These two consecutive incidents within a few days have created terror all over the country.
The ordinary citizens have lost faith and are thus justified in thinking that if the lives of the members of the law-enforcement agencies are not safe from such assaults, what security they have in the society. These gruesome incidents not only pose threat to the writ of the government, but also depict the moral decay of society.
It is the duty of the government to ensure that the lives of the innocent people are protected, no matter to which community, caste or creed they belong. No individual or group has the right to kill anybody. It is the duty of the state to ensure complete security for every citizen.
The government should use all resources to get hold of the culprits and award them exemplary punishment.
ALTAMASH MANZOOR H. KURESHI
Karachi
I AGREE with the views expressed by Mr Niaz H. Jafri (June 13). It is not proper to take the law into one’s own hands and deface young girls on the hoardings. But I want to ask him a question: is it right and according to Islamic teachings that vulgar pictures of young girls are advertised by different companies?
No doubt, the moulvis are wrong when they indulge in rowdyism, but they are right in their ideology and thoughts. On the other hand, the companies are also wrong when they act against the spirit of Islamic teachings.
NAZIM ALI HOTHI
Karachi
MY daughter, an engineer in computer science and an MBA, met an Indian Muslim doctor living in the United Kingdom on the Internet. The IT intimacy developed into a marriage proposal.
The proposal comes at a time when two prime ministers of atomic powers in the subcontinent are preparing for a mindset to improve relations between the two hostile neighbours.
There could not have been a better tribute to the foresight of the heads of the democratic governments in India and Pakistan that as a proud Pakistani citizen, I have decided to accept the proposal and give my daughter in wedding to my would-be son-in- law from India as a gift of peace from Pakistan to India. Their marriage is fixed in the last week of June.
FASIHUL KARIM SIDDIQI
Karachi
THIS is with reference to the letter titled “2003: the year of Fatima Jinnah” by Mr Liaquat Merchant (May 31). While supporting the suggestions put forward in this letter with regard to the Khatoon-i-Pakistan Education and Welfare Board and the Khatoon-i-Pakistan Girls School, left behind by Mohtarama Fatima Jinnah, I wish to comment on the issue of utilization of the sale proceeds of the Mohatta Palace in the absence of a valid will for the purpose.
Her sister, Shireen Jinnah, came from Bombay and formed the Shireen Jinnah Medical Trust which was later involved in litigation by her relatives. The Mohatta Palace was purchased by the Sindh government for its preservation as a monument for an amount of Rs60.83 million, with the mutual consent of the two parties. This amount was deposited in the Sindh High Court till the final disposal of the case which has been pending for the last many years.
In the absence of a written will, the desire expressed by the Mohtarama has time and again surfaced in the papers for the establishment of a dental college and a girls hostel in Karachi, with the proceeds of the Mohatta Palace.
At the end of her election campaign, on December 29, 1964, I, as the president of the National Students Federation, led a students’ procession and presented a life size painting of the Mohtarama at the Mohatta Palace. On this occasion, she informed the students that she had deposited Rs10,000 with the government as seed money for a dental college in Karachi, without success. She expressed great hopes that the student community would fulfil her desire for this college either at the Mohatta Palace itself or from its proceeds. This dream of the Mohtarama is a reality today. The Fatima Jinnah Dental College & Hospital Trust, with Syed Hashim Raza, the administrator of the Quaid’s Estates, as its chairman, established Fatima Jinnah Dental College in 1992, from its own resources.
As regards her political role, after the demise of the Quaid in 1948, Mr Merchant laments that “she waited too long to come out into the political arena. Had she done this immediately after Liaquat All Khan was assassinated, Pakistan may not have seen repeated military interventions as the alleged consequence of failures and disasters by political governments.” This may have been true of a society where national interest is held above all other consideration. We should understand that the Mohtarama was constrained to remain aloof and in the shadows after experiencing what transpired between August 1947 and the Quaid’s death.
The Mohtarama watched helplessly, the appalling and reprehensible events that followed, from her secluded and isolated abode at the Mohatta Palace. On the call of the nation and as a duty, she accepted the offer of the Combined Opposition Parties (COP) to be their presidential candidate to oppose Gen Ayub Khan in the 1964-65 general election, held under the restricted “Basic Democracies” system. In challenging the authoritarian and dictatorial regime, she spared nothing. She was the symbol of unity from Karachi to Peshawar and from Quetta to Chittagong. She offered the last hope.
The disunity, the squabbling of the politicians, sacking of governments, imposition of military rule, ethnic and religious intolerance and all other ingredients still remain. The more pertinent aspect is that, whatever the Mohtarama stood for and symbolized, not only during her election campaign but also during her entire life is relevant to us even today.
DR S. BAQAR ASKARY
Karachi
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