| December 20, 2002 | Friday | Shawwal 15, 1423 |
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Land mafia — in all shades
Taken-over banks’ performance
Rubble dumping in DHA
A new dawn for MQM
Friday as weekly holiday
Nadra’s poor performance
Dropping out of primary school
Armymen for civilian jobs
Hijacking UN
From direct to indirect military rule
THE unthinkable has happened. A member of the provincial assembly was arrested on the premises of the Sindh Assembly. Three policemen dragged him into the police van and took him to an unknown place.
The Sindh Assembly building was besieged for 10 hours. Barricades were placed on all the entry points of the road leading to the Sindh Assembly and scores of policemen were deputed to catch the MPA, Younus Khan, duly elected from Karachi on the ticket of the Mohajir Qaumi Movement (Haqiqi).
According to the police, “Younus Khan was wanted in several criminal cases.” But the question arises, if he was really a criminal, why was he allowed to contest the election and not apprehended earlier? It is strange that no objection was raised when Younus Khan submitted his papers, and no objections were raised when the election commission declared him a winner.
Furthermore, why was no attempt made to arrest him before the Assembly’s inaugural session which was held 62 days after the election? Was this act a deliberate one? Was it meant to insult the sanctity of public institutions? Was it meant to convey that this is what can be done with public representatives?
Arresting an MPA on the premises of the assembly is in direct conflict with the accepted norms of parliamentary democracy. Rule 68 regarding procedure of the Sindh assembly clearly says that “no member shall be arrested within the precincts of the assembly without the permission of the Speaker”, and even in case of arrest outside the precinct of the assembly the authority “shall immediately intimate such fact to the Speaker indicating the reasons for the arrest, detention or conviction as the case may be, as also the place of detention or imprisonment of the member in the appropriate form set out in the Fourth Schedule.”
But unfortunately in this case the authorities never bothered to inform the speaker about the raid and the police entered the assembly premises without even bothering to observe proper procedure.
This incident is also reflective of the mindset of our rulers who never leave an opportunity to belittle the public mandate and humiliate public institutions. Indeed, through this incident they have tried to convey that this is what happens when democracy is allowed to run.
The Human Rights Cell of the Pakistan People’s Party condemns this incident and fears that the military regime will continue to exploit such incidents to prejudice the public mind against democracy.
FAUZIA WAHAB,
MNA,
Karachi
THIS bears reference to Ardeshir Cowasjee’s article, ‘Karachi: the people should know-II’ (Dec 15).
Karachi is not all Clifton or Civil Lines nor Bath Island or PECHS; Karachi is also North Nazimabad, Lyari, Orangi, Liaquatabad, Landhi, New Karachi, Korangi, etc., where 90 per cent of the city population (about 13 million) live.
Besides his blast on vertical encroachment in the city, I will appreciate if Mr Cowasjee also tells the readership how KDA/KBCA officials helped the “certified land grabbers in erecting long boundary walls, just beneath and close to the North Nazimabad bridge (an important city artery), thus sealing its any future expansion. Despite my various phone calls and letters to the officials concerned, nothing has happened. Shamelessly, now it is going to be turned into a marriage hall soon.
The only clue I got from the insiders was that the person (a nephew perhaps) who erected the big boundary wall a few months ago in my present constituency got the blessings of a former federal minister in Islamabad and the then provincial /city officials could not defy. Will the new chief minister of Sindh or the chief mayor of Karachi ask them about facts? Even the governor has certain powers in this regard.
I may give 1,000 examples of such organized horizontal encroachments. Corrupt and powerful officials in their all shades — sitting in half a dozen provincial/city’s administrations and even in federal offices — will continue to allow the land mafia to encroach upon the state land, plots, shops, playgrounds, etc. No wonder that the city’s physical, ecological and socio-cultural structures are crumbling so rapidly that perhaps in five more years, present Karachi will be beyond recognition.
The bottom line is that those characters who are involved in vertical encroachment are not the only culprits. Let us make some stringent laws to make the city livable for those who pay taxes and do not enjoy free lunch.
I would request Mr Cowasjee to write on such problems faced by the 90 per cent people who, too, read his columns but feel that their issues are not taken up on editorial pages, rather they are neglected.
KUNWAR KHALID YUNUS
Karachi
IN his article, ‘Assessing taken-over banks’ performance’ (Dec 16), A. M. Talha has correctly identified the seriously flawed results of the 1997 banking reforms’ package that is still under implementation.
The State Bank of Pakistan and the finance ministry which are responsible for implementing the IMF and World Bank-sponsored structural reforms have failed to make any real achievements under this programme. In fact, the package has put an unnecessary financial burden of $1.2 billion on the country in terms of loans and subventions, rendering a large number of qualified and experienced staff of public-sector banks redundant.
It is surprising that, despite claims of transparency and good governance, people at the helms of affairs of public-sector undertakings, in general, and banking sector, in particular, shy away from supplying vital economic and financial data. But whatever Mr Talha could dig out shows that, despite substantial trimmings of their manning levels at considerable human and financial costs, banks have not improved their levels of profitability, nor have they bettered cost effectiveness in their operations.
More significantly, the business community has shown reluctance in borrowing and depositors have seen a decline in their returns while there is hardly any improvement in the recovery and reduction of their afflicted loan portfolios.
In fact, the perception of public-sector bankers gives the impression that most of them are there to accumulate resources and establish contacts for setting up their own financial institutions to the detriment of the banks they run. Some of them have already done so.
ABU SAEED A. ISLAHI
Former President, NBP,
Lahore
I AM writing this letter in sheer desperation. On Nov 3 at about 6pm, a huge dumper truck (LSB-8339) started dumping rubble on the empty plot next to my house. My son and our security guard tried to stop the truck driver from dumping the rubble, but he claimed that he was working for the Defence Housing Authority and warned them not to stop him.
We rang up the DHA office, Cantonment Board, Defence Police Station and the CPLC at the Governor’s House for help. By the time police and CPLC mobiles arrived, the truck driver had gone and, sensing the situation, did not return.
The rubble looks like a mountain. We often find drug addicts hiding and smoking behind the rubble. Beside this mountain of garbage, many find it convenient to heed to the call of nature. Had it not been for our guards and the security alarm system, anyone could have easily scaled our wall and then walked into our house.
Just outside our main gate is a gutter which constantly gushes sewage flooding Khayaban-i-Hafiz just in front of the Qatar embassy. The reason is a missing cover from a gutter a few houses away. This gutter keeps getting clogged up with dirt.
As our house is at a lower level, the gutter in front of our main gate overflows every time the other gutter clogs up. I have called all the authorities concerned but have received no response yet.
ZULEKHA ZAR
Karachi
A. B. S. Jafri’s article, ‘A new dawn for MQM’ (Dec 13), makes an objective assessment of this middle class, secular and progressive party which, despite such sound bearings, failed to evoke a sympathetic cord among the intelligentsia, particularly outside Karachi.
Reasons may be many but it is time the Muttahida Qaumi Movement proved by example that:
— it is possible to run a government with honesty and visible commitment;
— it is possible for the ministers to lead a simple life, free of ostentation and fanfare,
— decisions can always be based on merit,
— the Muttahida genuinely works for all Pakistanis irrespective of provincial, ethnic or any other consideration,
— it is possible for politicians to be seen as good human beings, decent in manner and speech, trustworthy and of exemplary character.
Pray, they give it a try for a change.
S. M. MAHBOOB
Karachi
IS Friday as the weekly holiday a vital concern that has to be addressed by Prime Minister Zafarullah Khan Jamali soon after assuming his office?
Switching over to Friday as the weekly holiday again will do more damage to Pakistan’s fragile economy than good since we are already at a disadvantage timewise.
Consequently, interaction with the international market will be lost for some more time. The argument that businessmen in the Middle East, despite observing Friday as the weekly holiday, do a roaring business, does not hold good on account of their oil-based stable economy.
The common man want the prime minister to take steps for the eradication of poverty so that the people could get rid of hunger, disease and illiteracy. Also elimination of massive corruption, enforcement of law and order, revival of hundreds of sick industries, provision of potable water, containment of environmental pollution and refurbishing of communication infrastructure should be among his top priorities.
Last but not the least, the premier should get the poor innocent people released from the clutches of feudal lords who hold them hostage for 1,000kg of wheat annually. They are treated as slaves and supposed to work for their masters round the clock for 365 days.
The need of the hour is to promote the interest of the masses without necessarily altering the weekly routine.
LT-COL (R) SYED AHMED
Karachi
THE National Database and Registration Authority has made a mockery of professional performance.
I submitted my form for a new computerised national identity card in October 2001 to Nadra’s district office in Chitral.
I was told that my card would be delivered to me in three months, but that glorious day never came. Several visits to the Nadra office in the past six months yielded the only information that my card was “about to arrive”.
However, on my most recent inquiry, I was informed that the form I had submitted 14 months ago had officially been declared lost. The gentleman at the Nadra office asked me to reapply for a computerized NIC and said, “As a concession, you will not have to pay the processing fee this time.”
Nadra has completely failed to do the job it was tasked with. I am but one of the thousands who have had similar experiences. Can the Jamali government put this farcical organization to sleep?
ZAR ALAM KHAN RIZAKHALI
Karachi
THIS refers to Shahid Siddiqui’s article, ‘Dropping out of primary school’ (Dec 15), in which he discussed various factors responsible for the high rate of dropouts at the primary school level.
He rightly said, “Ironically the definition of a good teacher is the one who shows the best academic results.” This factor has actually left a disastrous impact on our education system.
Most people adhere to the erroneous notion that securing high marks in the examinations is the key to success. That is why all the stakeholders — parents, teachers, students and school managements, want high marks in the examinations. This is the root cause of the failure of our education system at all levels, because:
(i) it encourages rote learning and selective study amongst students.
(ii) it deprives students of innovation, creativity and independent and analytical thinking.
(iii) under this system, students, as well as teachers, confine themselves to prescribed textbooks and take no pains at all to study supplementary material to broaden their vision and add to their knowledge.
Resultantly, students develop a narrow mindset and perform miserably poor when they enter practical life.
PROF (R) A. H. SUBHANI
Faisalabad
I AGREE with Amjad Siddique’s views (Dec 15) that armymen should not be appointed in civilian institutions.
By increasing the number of serving and retired armed forces personnel in civilian positions, we not only weaken our armed force’s ability to defend our borders but also deprive civilians of their jobs and unemployed civilians of the opportunity to get jobs.
Civilians are more educated than serving or the retired army officers, with the possible exception of education/medical/ engineering corps personnel. As far as honesty and integrity are concerned, there is hardly any difference between civilians and armed forces personnel.
So, there is really no point in pursuing this policy at the time when unemployment among the civilian population is on the rise.
DR JAMAL NASIR MEMON
Karachi
THE news that the US pressurized Colombia to have its UN ambassador release Iraq’s voluminous report first to the US was indeed abhorring.
Does the distinction of being the sole superpower allow the US to sidetrack all decorum? Was this action democratic, fair and equitable?
MOHAMMED HASAN
Karachi
THIS refers to Dr Inayatullah’s article, ‘From direct to indirect military rule’ (Dec 10).
The writer has said that four successful coups and five mini-coups have taken place since Pakistan came into being. I just want to add, as a matter of record, that since 1947, military generals have made many more attempts to subvert the system but, after failure, got away with their perks and pensions intact.
In chronological order, I log these attempts for posterity:
1951 — Rawalpindi Conspiracy. Gen Akbar later joined Bhutto as a minister.
1958 — Gen Ayub Khan became president on Oct 27, following the imposition of martial law on Oct 7.
1967 — Ayub was to be eliminated during a chartered flight from Dhaka to Chittagong in December. Ex-military officers, PIA staff and Awami League members were involved. Ayub was so shaken that he asked Nur Khan to fly him west.
1968 — Agartalla Conspiracy. Army officers/CSP officers were involved in the attempt to overthrow Ayub Khan.
1969 — March 25, Gen Yahya Khan eases Ayub Khan out or Ayub Khan gets his safety underwritten by the appointee.
1971 — Dec 19, six armoured division and 17 division based in Gujranwala would have marched on Islamabad had Yahya not resigned the next day.
1971 — Gen Hameed and Gen Mitha tried to do a ‘Mujeeb’ on Bhutto on the latter’s arrival from Rome on Dec 19. Thus, in one day two attempts were made to take over power.
1973 — Attock Conspiracy against Bhutto’s government. Most of the officers involved were related to senior officers in the army. Air force officers were also involved.
1976 — Maj-Gen Tajammal Hussain, a war-hero (1965/1971), an ultra-religious, attempted to overthrow the government of the day. He was retired.
1977 — Gen Zia toppled Bhutto on July 5.
1980 — Maj-Gen (retd) Tajammal Hussain made another unsuccessful attempt to depose Gen Zia in March.
1980 — Lt-Gen Faiz Ali Chishti tried and was retired among rumours of a failed plot. Lt-Gen Jahan Dad Khan did not have a good time relieving Chishti from the strategically important post of Commander 10 Corps based at Rawalpindi.
1983 — Gen Iqbal and Gen Sawar Khan tried to depose Zia.
1984 — BBC announced on March 13 several young officers with a colonel nabbed. G. M. Khar with Indian help tried to smuggle in arms from India to work on Zia. Seth Abid betrayed Khar.
1980s — The US wanted to replace Zia with another general but the general backed out. (Source: Gen K. M. Arif. He did not mention the name of the general involved).
1988 — It was the only bloody coup in the history of Pakistan on Aug 17. The accident was well-planned and meticulously executed. With one stroke, seven generals (including Zia), four brigadiers and a colonel were killed. According to Brig (retd) A. R. Siddiqui, writing in Defence Journal, it was a closed affair and an inside job.
1988-1997 — Five indirect mini-coups referred to by Dr Inayatullah.
1999 — Prime minister Nawaz Sharif was removed by Gen Pervez Musharraf on Oct 12.
There may be more but not less. New officers bring new ideas and fresh approach to the problems of the day. We must all support the democratic forces and put pressure on Gen Musharraf to resign as COAS. No COAS, in the interest of the country and its armed forces, should occupy the post for more than three years.
ASLAM MINHAS
Karachi
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