| September 15, 2002 | Sunday | Rajab 7, 1423 |
To send a letter to the Editor
Click here
‘When merit suffers’
Jinnah’s viceregal role
Per capita income
Okara military farms
SPSC exams for revenue employees
Democracy and Islam
Voters shy
Equal right to being remembered
Declaring assets honestly
Semi-mass transit system for Karachi
I AM much disappointed at the senseless media criticism of the recent constitutional reforms. It pains me to see that some respected journalists have joined in the criticism based on theoretical considerations and personal biases. I refer to ‘The dirty game’ by Ardeshir Cowasjee (Sept 8).
It would appear as if they would like to go back to the days of pseudo-democracy when a prime minister of Pakistan became a dictator on the day he or she was elected to power; the days when freedom of the press was stifled; the days when judiciary was attacked and the days when all national institutions were systematically corrupted and destroyed.
I would like to remind Mr Cowasjee of his famous ‘Bare Bones’ and ‘Maa ki Hai’ articles, bemoaning the death of the economy, democracy and judiciary in Pakistan. It seems that fraud, deceptions and dirty games of the past have rendered some people incapable of recognizing and appreciating a good thing when it comes their way.
The state of affairs prior to the miraculous escape of Gen Musharraf and his fellow-passengers from Nawaz Sharif’s murderous designs clearly showed that major surgery was required in order to cure the malaise in Pakistan’s body politics. The most effective system of government for Pakistan would be a tripartite system with a directly-elected president and independent Legislature, Executive and Judiciary acting as checks and counter-checks against each other.
However, Pervez Musharraf was constrained to retain the basic parliamentary system of government. His constitutional reforms are the best possible changes that could be brought within the limits defined in the Supreme Court’s decision and without drastic steps, which would have led the religious and feudal lobbies to plunge the country into civil war.
By empowering the NSC to dismiss a government, Gen Musharraf has broadened the decision-making base in case this power has to be exercised. By requiring elections within the political parties, the President has introduced democracy where it should begin. This would prevent political parties from becoming personality cults.
The graduation condition is a step towards meritocracy and breaking the hold of feudalism — the root-cause of major evils in Pakistan. By reviving the local bodies, he has brought democracy to the grassroots.
It is sheer shamelessness on the part of Nawaz Sharif, whose government had spent millions of dollars of the poor country’s resources on proving Benazir Bhutto guilty of corruption, to come out now in her support.
It would appear as if the media in Pakistan is ready to forgive all their sins and confer respectability upon them.
I. KAMAL
California, USA
THIS is with reference to Mr Muneer Ahmed Mirjat’s letter, ‘When merit suffers’ (Sept 12).
When Mr Mirjat was rejected on medical grounds by the CMH Hyderabad, he had the option to file an appeal for review by the GHQ medical board. I wonder if he opted to. The fact about the ineligibility of candidates for applying for commission in the armed forces, if they had been medically rejected earlier, is clearly advertized in newspapers. As such Mr Mirjat should not have applied for Special Purpose Short Service Commission in the PAF.
There is no use getting the medical opinion of a civilian surgeon, as mentioned by him, because armed forces have their own criteria for medical fitness. For example, flat foot, knee- knocking, varicose veins case etc. may not have implications for medical condition in civil life but for selection in the army, these are not acceptable, and for very sound reasons.
Life in the armed forces is taxing and demands a high standard of medical fitness. One should visit and stay for a few days with troops deployed atop the snow-covered mountains or with those defending borders in high temperatures of Sindh deserts.
We must try and encourage our youth to join this noble profession. There is no discrimination on linguistic or ethnic basis for selection in the armed forces.
I went to the ISSB, Kohat, from Shikarpur in Nov 1959. We were 150 candidates to start with. Twenty of us qualified for medical (at that time medical used to be held at the ISSB).
We were made to under go medical tests for the whole day and finally 16 were dropped. The remaining four were directed to appear before the CMH, Kohat, the medical board comprising three doctors.
When I was called in the room, two doctors were of the view that I looked too slim and may not be able to bear the rigours of army life but the senior doctor said: “Oh, come on! he is a young man... will gain the weight in due course. We don’t need wrestlers in army.”
I was selected and served in the army for 32 years. Not once did I feel that I have come from rural Sindh and in any way suffered.
The army provides a level playing field to all the young citizens. They should be fit, mentally and physically. Please, have no fears of discrimination.
BRIG (R) MAHSHOON AHMED
Karachi
IN his letter, ‘Constitutional history’ (Sept 12) Mr S.M. Zafar, refers to A.R. Siddiqi’s earlier letter on the subject and quotes the latter’s observation that Mr Jinnah “chose to exercise his viceregal powers vis-a-vis his prime minister.” Similar observations have been made by other writers (mostly foreign) on Mr Jinnah.
This has often been done by way of contrasting Mr Jinnah’s style with that of Lord Mountbatten who acted only as a ceremonial head of state when he served as Governor General of India. The contrast is often intended to place Mr Jinnah in an unfavourable light. This is wrong.
By all accounts, Mr Jinnah was a ‘constitutionalist’. That may or may not be a virtue in struggles for freedom but that is besides the point.
Start with the fact that he was an unwavering constitutionalist. Then consider that, upon independence, the Government of India Act-1935 became the Constitution of Pakistan. Third, consider that this Constitution vested executive authority in the Governor General and gave him extensive authority and powers to function as head of the executive.
Mr Jinnah did no more than exercise the authority and power the Constitution of the time had given him. Had he failed to do so, he would have been untrue to the Constitution and failed in his duty as defined by it.
Mountbatten’s role in India is irrelevant to an understanding of Mr Jinnah’s role in Pakistan. Mountbatten stayed on at the invitation of the Congress party’s leaders. He served during his prime minister’s pleasure instead of the other way round.
He was content with being his prime minister’s instrument instead of directing him as the Constitution (same as that in Pakistan at the time) expected him to do.
ANWAR SYED
Professor Emeritus of Political Science, University of
Massachusetts
THE National Finance Commission (NFC) would be well advised to take into account the then major economic issue of disparity of per capita income between East and West Pakistan at the time of launching of the Perspective Plan (1960-85) with 1960 as base after the so-called successful implementation of the second five year plan (1960-65).
Two five-member panels of economists, each from East and West Pakistan, were constituted by the government to bring about parity of incomes between the two wings at the earliest.
According to the formula recommended by the West Pakistan panel, the disparity could be removed by 1985. The East Pakistan formula sought to remove it by 1975. Its formula was to relate the per capita income and population of East and West Pakistan inversely.
Unfortunately, the recommendation of the East Pakistan panel was not accepted by the government, widening further the divide between the two wings, in addition to political and administrative differences.
The present misgivings of the three smaller provinces, vis-a-vis Punjab, must be perceived in the larger interest of long term mutuality, lest simmering turns to bickering.
My suggestion is the same as recommended by the East Pakistan panel with the difference that instead of lumping the three provinces together and then inversely relating their per capita income and population to that of Punjab, each province’s per capita income and population be inversely related to that of Punjab separately.
This would result substantially in defusing the tension now obtaining between the three provinces on the one hand and Punjab on the other, simultaneously attending to political and administrative grievances in the abiding interests of the country.
MAHDI MUSTAFA
Karachi
I AM deeply shocked and outraged to hear of the accounts of harassment and excesses against the hapless tenants of the military farms at Okara. These accounts have appeared in the press and have been corroborated by concerned citizens who have first hand knowledge of the events.
It is quite clear from these reports that the military is forcing the tenants to relinquish their legally established right of tenancy and to become contract labourers on the land that they and their ancestors have tilled for generations. Under this arrangement, the tenants fear the possibility of eviction or dismissal any time in the future.
Under the Tenancy Act of 1950 and the later modifications in the early 1970s, the tenants have well-established legal rights that include continuation of their status as tenant farmers. The military is, in any case, neither the owner nor a legal lessee since their lease of these lands (owned by the Punjab Government) expired many, many years ago.
The problem obviously has both, legal and humanitarian aspects, and to avoid further bloodshed and suffering of the farmers, both need to be addressed in a just and humane manner. It is patently unjust to label the representatives of the farmers struggling for the realization of their rights, as “anti-state” and to harass them through arrests or physical intimidation. It is also patently wrong to send notices to government employees who happen to be related to the farmers, threatening them with dire consequences if they do not make their relatives acquiesce to the demands of the military.
I urge the concerned authorities to end these tactics as, among other things, they have the clear potential of driving a wedge between them and the people of this country who shall rightly perceive these acts as dispossession of the poor, helpless people by the most powerful institution of this country.
KHURSHID HASANAIN
Islamabad
THIS is with reference to the Sindh Public Service Commission’s competitive examination for the recruitment of Mukhtiarkars held on Sept 8.
There were two papers, English and General Knowledge. However, there were dozens of printing mistakes in both the papers which marred the performance of many candidates, particularly in the English paper. The incorrect key words made it difficult for the candidates to understand the questions.
Nobody would contest that there is a world of difference between the words ‘small’ and ‘smell’ and between ‘right’ and ‘sight’. Similarly, ‘age’ appeared in the question paper in place of ‘ago’.
These discrepancies not only confused the candidates but hampered their efforts to solve the paper within the allocated time while they naturally were under pressure.
It would be unfair to expect from the candidates to rectify the mistakes in the question papers first and then start answering them without getting nervous or annoyed.
It is regretting that no one from the SPSC turned out at the examination centres in Hyderabad to correct the mistakes as was done at some centres in Karachi.
DARA JAGIRANI
Sukkur
IT’S a known fact now that some powers have been interfering with and jeopardizing the democratic processes in the Third World countries. Blame does not lie with the powerful countries only but ulema and scholars in Muslim countries, too, have contributed to the situation.
We must remember that hostile powers are fearful of the day when Muslims shall understand that their religion enjoins democracy and start a real struggle (jihad) for their democratic rights.
Democracy is one of the pillars of Islam. Peace, progress and prosperity can be achieved only through real democracy as enshrined in Islam; and not through autocracy or dictatorship.
NAJMUDDIN KAZI
Karachi
A SELF-APPOINTED custodian of Pakistan is toying with the idea of imposing a ‘custom-built democracy’ on the country. Let us make a forecast. If history and conventional wisdom are any guide, hardly 20 per cent will go to vote in spite of so much efforts by the naive. And why should they? The voters cannot vanquish those in khaki in our set-up. The people of Pakistan are still too timid to face the bullets. The middle class is waiting for a miracle like a five-year old. Hence the general disinterest.
The foolish and also the so-called monitors will ascribe it to disillusionment with democracy. This will be a colossal error of judgment.
ZAFAR OMER
Lahore
ON September 11, when the US and the rest of the world were remembering the victims of last year’s 9/11 tragedy, I was kept haunted by the memory of the three-year-old Afghan girl, Zarguna, who died in the US Special Forces attack on Hajibirgit, a small village near Kandahar, at midnight on May 22.
That little girl died due to the terrific ferocity of the raid and the impact of the grenades which rained down on this tiny village. In her panic, she ran out of her house and fell into a 60-ft well. She got her back broken and drowned.
I would not have known about the death of Zarguna and the raid on Hajibirgit had I not read Robert Fisk’s article in Dawn (Sept 8). Besides some Afghans, only those who have read the article may have remembered Zarguna whereas billions of people paid homage to the victims of tragedy in the US.
I felt a despairing pain on reading this article. Nevertheless, I am thankful to the author for reporting this story.
All the innocent victims of violence experience the same terror and pain. Their feelings and sufferings cannot be described by intensity if the perpetrators of violence are ‘evil forces’ or ‘good forces’.
Every innocent victim of terrifying violence deserves to be remembered with equal solemnity.
ANWAR HASNAIN
Karachi
POLITICAL heavyweights are submitting their assets on the basis of their book value and not at the prevailing market rates. A big Gujrat family owning a plot on The Mall, Lahore, declared its plot’s value at Rs 300,000. Everybody knows that any property on The Mall is worth millions. They have five huge villas in Gulberg, whose value is also underestimated. They have got loans of Rs38 million obtained from the National Bank and Rs208 million from Bankers Equity written off.
The nomination papers submitted to the election commission are required to be accompanied by a full declaration of a candidate’s income and assets and also of his close family members. They should be published and the people should be given enough time to point out concealments and flaws and that would be a genuine effort to cleanse politics of black money.
There are also other politicians whose fathers were modest government officials but now their sons possess enormous wealth in the form of real estate and foreign currency.
Gen Musharraf had promised that he would not allow the corrupt and the dishonest to participate in the elections. Now is the time for him to redeem his pledge.
ENGR. S.T. HUSSAIN
Lahore
THIS refers to the editorial, ‘KCR is dead — finally?’ (Sept 5). With the shelving of the KCR project, the trauma of more than 10 million commuters will prolong. An increase of 12,000 buses over a limited period and absence of a mass transit system in Karachi will have serious implications and the commuters will suffer terribly.
The citizens will be forced to face an increased number of road accidents, a higher ratio of pollution and the menace of troublesome journey in obsolete buses as indicated in a report prepared by the Engineering Consultants International.
The shelving of KCR is indeed a big set back. But, as proposed by a town planner, Mr Arif Hasan, in his letter (Sept 7), the KCR project should not be allowed to be scrapped. Efforts should continue to find alternatives to the mass transportation system problems even as temporary measures for temporary relief.
The magno-metro project, termed a ‘ploy’ or ‘hoax’ by some writers of your paper, is no doubt a high-tech and ideal project. Its completion time is stated to be one-two years. But the most critical factor is the project cost which has been estimated at US$1.2 billion. Where will it be possible to get the money from?
Apparently, the financial close for this would take a very long time. So, after signing the MoU, the Karachi Nazim should not rest in his laurels but try to get the feasibility studies completed, sign a BOT agreement, get the earliest financial close and then should lay the foundation stone for the project himself.
In the mean time, consultants and specialists should look into short-term alternatives. One solution is:
The right-of-way for the KCR, excluding the main railway lines, may be converted into a two-lane road/track (about 30kms) for the use of passenger buses only. The time period and cost of construction will be comparatively lower since the sub-strata is already compacted, at least for one lane, and the alignment of the road is already laid out and fixed. For cross-traffic, underpasses or overpasses will be needed at critical places.
Above this road, one section of the elevated mass transit system of magno-metro or light rail can be constructed. This circular rail section/track may be expanded gradually by constructing additional, radial and elevated rail-tracks leading to different destinations.
To contain pollution and mess, the newly constructed lanes should be meant only for double-decker buses using CNG.
These buses will be a sort of semi-mass transit system.
ENGR. A. RAHIM
Michigan, USA
You can also send letters to the Editor
Just send your message to the following address:
Make sure you include your full name, postal address, e-mail address, and in the case of Pakistan your day-time telephone number.