| July 12, 2002 | Friday | Jamadi-ul-Awwal 1, 1423 |
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Regulating madaris
Misusing official cars
Common man awaits more hardships
Shameful and shocking
Where has the money gone?
Model Town thefts
Who can legislate?
Looking beyond the two
PTV and lack of hygiene
Why change the saying
Is it all right?
Kashmir: getting history right
IT would be difficult for anyone to disagree with the logical arguments put forth by Roedad Khan in his article ‘Why this march of folly’ (July 8).
I was one of those who were completely fed up with Nawaz Sharif’s government and had seen an opportunity for a change for the better when the military took over. While the army can rightly lay claim to a number of achievements since then, it has failed, most notably and not surprisingly, to give a credible long-term vision for the country. It is not trained or qualified for this.
In my humble opinion, while preparing for the general elections, the army should have restricted itself to filling all vacant judicial positions in a transparent and fair manner, pursuing cases of corruption against top politicians as well as civil and military bureaucrats, and improving the performance of the police.
A cursory look at the proposed constitutional package is sufficient for one to conclude that too much is being attempted in too short a time, leaving hardly any opportunity for a good debate among all concerned about the pros and cons of each proposal. Constitutional issues have major implications for any country and not least for Pakistan with its chequered history. The army would do well to pay heed to Roedad Khan’s advice to restore the 1973 Constitution in its original form.
The infamous remarks of General Ziaul Haq regarding the constitution being merely a book of few pages were made in an interview to Kayban International, an Iranian newspaper, and not at a press conference, as mentioned in the article. I can still recall reading excerpts from the interview in Dawn.
NADIR ABBAS
Islamabad
THE proposed constitutional amendments have aroused public interest and the debate revolves around two points:
a) Does the government have the mandate to introduce amendments?
b) The question of balance of power among the pillars of the state.
In my opinion, the amendments are necessary if we want political stability and economic development. Otherwise, the state of chaos would return which led to military intervention. In such a situation the question of mandate does not arise. Furthermore, the present government has been empowered by the apex court to introduce amendments.
It is noteworthy that the proposed amendments do not change or affect prime minister’s functions. They only enhance President’s powers to intervene when necessary.
Since the root cause of past failures has been mainly corruption in various forms, it is necessary that NAB should function on a permanent basis.
We must take steps to avoid frequent breakdown of the system. I have spent some time in Turkey and Egypt and I think they provide good models for correcting our system.
ABED HASAN BURNEY
Karachi
IT is good to see that the government has finally decided to do something about bringing the madaris somewhat closer to the mainstream education system in the country. While it is at it, the government must also ensure that these institutions are not located in residential areas.
Take the example of the madressah in the E-7 sector of Islamabad. It houses over 1,000 students ranging in age from 7 to over 20. In the afternoon they spread out of the madressah into the residential area and occupy the sidewalks and the only park in the area, thus driving the women and children away.
Since they move around in groups, mostly hand in hand, their presence on the sidewalks makes it impossible for women to use the sidewalks. And since civics is not a subject taught in madaris, they leave a trail of litter wherever they go, they deface the traffic signs by writing religious slogans on them, and come Eid-ul-Azha they plaster the Wapda transformers and street signs in the area with the appeals for donation of animal skins.
They are also reported to have set on fire a centuries old tree in the area that was said to have some association with Buddha and was an object of interest and veneration for Buddhists visiting Islamabad.
AZIZ AHMAD
Islamabad
MR Munawar Alam (July 5) has drawn attention towards the misuse of official cars for private purposes by the families of bureaucrats and other highly placed officials.
According to him, even ladies and teenagers are seen driving official cars on Murree Road on weekends. This malady has existed right from day one of our independence.
I would like to recall an instance from personal experience to illustrate the extent to which this facility has been abused.
A very senior officer in our neighbourhood was holding a job which was confined to indoor work. His official car would come to his residence, pick up and drop him to his office and report back to his residence for use by his wife and four grownup children.
The car used to remain at the disposal of the family until closing time of the office when it picked up and brought him back home. Then, the car remained in use of the family till very late at night. The family made sure that the car consumed the last drop of fuel (day’s quota) in the tank. The driver would report back the next morning with the tank full of petrol.
In addition to going about on private errands, the wife and four children learnt driving on the same vehicle. The car would become a chakara in a few months and the officer would get a new one.
The misuse of official cars can never be stopped unless this facility is withdrawn and a conveyance allowance system is introduced.
For performing official duties during working hours, a car pool should be created and managed by a full time transport officer who should allocate available transport for use, after completion of which the car should return to the place of work duly logged in the diary.
K.A. WAHID BUTT
Lahore
THE Federal Finance Minister, Shaukat Aziz, stated on June 15 in his budget speech that he was working through a programme of poverty reduction and improvement of economic lives of the country’s poor.
He added that the poor were not only deprived of financial recourses but they also lacked access to basic needs such as education, health, clean drinking water and proper sanitation. These problems certainly need addressing soon, but the foremost is food, clothing and shelter, a promise never fulfilled.
The deprived people, already paying 15 per cent General Sales Tax on ghee and cooking oil, have now been burdened with increased customs duty on imported oilseeds. Correspondingly, the prices of essential commodities have started registering a tremendous increase. For instance a 16-litre ghee-tin is dearer by Rs50. Imposition of GST on fertilizers would indirectly further over-burden the poor.
This measure, according to Mr Shaukat Aziz, will increase the foreign exchange reserve by Rs26 billion. The projected savings have been ingeniously spent to promote the privileged class by reducing excise duty on aerated beverages and custom duties on import of prestigious cars, specifically 1,800 cc and above. This step will not reform the poor who continue to grumble under the burden of soaring prices.
However, the tax burden on the low-income group has been lessened to some extent by raising the minimum taxable income limit from Rs60,000 to Rs80,000. Also, withholding tax has being abolished on cars that have been in use for over 10 years.
This grand concession has been off set by reducing the limit of exemption on income from investments in national savings schemes from Rs300,000 to Rs150,000 for levy of 10 per cent withholding tax. This act is suicidal for the low-income group, particularly pensioners and widows.
The budget 2002-03 gives relief to the service-providers, various agents and the privileged class.
The country’s poor will long to breathe freely, burdened with soaring prices and lack of health care as they are expected to pay an anomalous cost plus 15 per cent GST on essential medicines like nasal decongestants, and hypertension, angina and diabetes management drugs.
Enough lip service has been done; it is high time that some constructive steps for poverty alleviation are taken.
LT-COL SYED AHMED
Karachi
I DON’T have the words to express the outrage and disgust that I felt after reading of the heinous crime committed against a woman on the order of a panchayat at village Jatoi. I only want to convey a message to General Musharraf: that girl is waiting for action, General Sahib.
I would also say to President Musharraf that this incident needs his personal attention. He should go and see the woman and also make sure that she gets speedy justice.
I would urge the press to follow this case and see that, unlike so many other cases of this nature, it is not hushed up.
My last message is for the Ulema and the religious leaders. They must condemn this crime in the strongest possible words. It is their duty because they claim to be the torch-bearers of truth and Islamic justice.
It is high time we started raising voice against feudalism, as such incidents are its direct result.
NAUMAN HAMEED
Islamabad
I AM outraged and horrified by the news that appeared in the New York Times (July 2) about the gang-rape of a young woman in a village in Pakistan. This news has tarnished Pakistan’s image and, quite frankly, I am ashamed to call myself a Pakistani.
Anyhow, we the Pakistanis here, would be watching closely how the federal and provincial governments handle this situation and act to restore the honour and dignity of Pakistan. I think all the people involved — actual rapists, instigators, local police force and the panchayat members (except those who cast dissenting votes) — should be tried for their respective offences and given maximum punishment under the law.
ZAKI AHMAD SABIH
Edison, USA
EVERYDAY misappropriation or embezzlement of huge amounts is reported in the press. On the other hand, we also come across reports about the recovery of millions by the National Accountability Bureau from those who had misappropriated billions and of settlement of cases in which the accused makes payment of only a part of the amount actually embezzled.
Would anyone from the NAB or from the government explain if it is morally justified to give a certificate of innocence after the corrupt has paid back only a small portion of looted money or has only promised to pay back when he would be able to do so? Does this not make all the proceedings of the NAB doubtful? Are not people justified to think that the NAB has been established to favour corrupt friends?
Although it is hard to believe that NAB has recovered more than Rs80 billion, the public does want to know where that recovered money has gone. We see no improvement in the economy and no change in the afflictions of the people.
GHULAM MUHAMMAD
Karachi
I WOULD like to draw the attention of the authorities towards a growing menace in Model Town, Lahore, especially in A and B blocks.
Despite the fact that the Model Town Police Station is in Block-A and that police cars are frequenting patrolling this area, the number of thefts and cars being broken into and burgled are increasing by the day.
The residents of the area are feeling highly insecure. The Nazim, Mian Aamir Mahmood, and police officials are requested to do something and remedy the situation.
AFFECTED RESIDENTS
Lahore
THE former Chief Justice of Pakistan, Mr Justice Saiduzzaman Siddiqi, had observed in relation to a petition seeking the restoration of Article 58-2(b) of the Constitution that the Supreme Court cannot suspend the 13th amendment as it had been passed unanimously by the parliament.
His words were: “We cannot legislate as the power of legislation is not with us. The amendment has been passed by the parliament unanimously, how can we undo it.”
Then how can an unelected government seek to restore the discretionary powers of the President?
M. PEERBHOY
Karachi
AS the government is coming up with proposed constitutional amendments and orders, the general trend is to see them in the context of certain personalities.
On the face of it, the ‘Qualification to hold Public Officers Order 2002’ seems specific for the two former prime ministers, Nawaz Sharif and Benazir Bhutto.
But the canvas of political life in Pakistan is very expansive and extends much beyond the two former prime ministers. Those who are clinging on to these two, both of whom are enjoying their lives in exile, are only suffering from political short-sightedness. No one is indispensable, it is the system that has got to be protected.
It is high time that we look beyond these two because both of them were given ample chances to govern Pakistan, but they simply misgoverned.
This restriction should not be seen to be specific for someone, but as an instrument for bringing in fresh blood and new thinking every eight years.
WAFA ABBASS
Islamabad
ON the evening of July 5, I was astonished to watch Uzma’s Kitchen on PTV World. While cooking in the kitchen, Uzma Gilani, a senior artiste, demanded a tissue paper from her guest and cleaned her running nose. She threw the tissue paper on the kitchen floor and continued cooking with soiled hands.
I fail to understand what message she had left for her viewers. Does she know etiquette? I request the PTV authorities to properly edit such programmes as PTV is being viewed in several countries of the world.
TALAT ZAHEER
Lahore
THIS is with regard to the recent commercial on PTV about Pakistan and what the Quaid-i-Azam said. If I am not mistaken the correct quote of the Quaid is: ‘Unity, Faith and Discipline.’
So, why in the world has it been changed to ‘Faith, Unity and Discipline’? Can’t we stand by what the Quaid had said and not invent our own version(s) of his sayings.
HASSAN AZIZ SYED
Islamabad
...AND as for the religious parties, why are they silent on the Meerwala and the Faisalabad incidents? Can’t they even condemn them? Is it that deep inside they consider it all right?
AHMED QAZI
CO, USA
MR Jamshed A. Hamid’s recapitulation of the ‘Legal status of Kashmir’ (Dawn, July 1) has deeply disappointed me, both as a Kashmiri, and as one who respects the writer’s legal acumen.
In going back to the basics of the Kashmir issue, he tries to whitewash historical developments, and builds on simplistic and half-baked assumptions.
The part (memorandum on states) of the June 3, 1947, plan for the partition of the subcontinent related to the future of 565 princely states, covering over 40 per cent of the land mass of the subcontinent and a population of 99 million in 1947, envisaged that the paramountcy which the states had enjoyed with the British Crown would lapse at independence, and they would have the option either to accede to one or the other independent dominion, or to set up ‘particular political arrangements’ with the successor government or governments.
Mountbatten, as Mr Jamshed well knows, put forward the idea of a reference to the people in October, when it was too late, and when he was no longer the viceroy, and so no longer in a position to see it through as an integral part of the partition plan.
My hunch is that the British treated Kashmir as a frontier state, and did not want it to go under the control of a weak Pakistan, through a referendum, as had happened with the NWFP. Nehru’s love for Kashmir, and his nexus with Mountbatten may have been a camouflage. Radcliffe and Mountbatten colluded with the wily Nehru, under instructions of the British government.
Pandit Nehru’s interpretation of the British plan for the states was that they had no choice, except to join India or Pakistan, while the Quaid-i-Azam emphatically maintained that the states could also remain independent. At the time of independence, the ruler was all in all, in regard to the decision about the accession of his state to any of the two dominions.
By August 15, out of the 565 native states, only Hyderabad Deccan, Junagarh, and Jammu and Kashmir, had not taken any decision about their accession. Certain small states within the geographical boundaries of Pakistan — the NWFP and Balochsitan — had adopted a policy of wait-and-see, expecting a fallout of the crises brewing in the final dispensation of the two largest states — Jammu and Kashmir and Hyderabad Deccan.
India’s well-entrenched policy was to grab Hyderabad on the pretence of Hindu majority, and to occupy Kashmir on the basis of the Hindu Maharaja’s contrived supplication for accession to India. A numerically powerful India decided to follow the stratagem: heads we win, tails you lose.
Mr Jamshed steers clear of Junagarh and Hyderabad, the battle won at the UN by the late Mr Zafarullah Khan in the complaint on Kashmir moved by India before the UN Security Council in January 1948, and the enshrinement of the right of self-determination of the people of Jammu and Kashmir in the UN resolutions (now dismissed as outdated by India).
He does not even touch upon the background and compulsions of the Simla Agreement, in summarily dismissing India’s claims of bilateralization of the issue, and perceived supercession of UN jurisdiction, in his characteristic manner. My advice to Mr Jamshed is: “Drink deep, or taste not the Pierian spring.”
PROF M.IKRAMUL HAQ
Lahore
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