India — end of a Brahminical civilization, beginning of Baniya rule
By Jawed Naqvi
THERE was a time when we were upfront with our fellow human beings. If you were a slave, a slight variant of some other equally industrious beast of burden, your job was to serve Rome or its other geographical equivalent elsewhere in the world till your dying day.
This was the simple honest message that formed the core of ancient slave-master relationships. The slaves knew what their lot was and they shaped their capacity to love and hate in the company of a sundry other vestigial emotions, all within the perimeter of the basic message, that the slave was a slave for life.
There was nothing hidden, nothing hypocritical in the arrangement. There was no fine print in this. And yet this was not a passive arrangement. There are no passive arrangements in a jungle. There is the instinct to fight or deceive the predator. For the Roman senators there was always a Spartacus lurking round the corner, to challenge the imperial authority against what he or she perceived to be an oppressive system.
At some point after this, during the rise of feudal societies a divine force was invented to justify the rule of the Zillay Ilaahi, Shadow of God on earth. Elaborate rituals were developed to oppress and enslave people, all in the name of a divine force.
India’s Vedic Brahmins were past-masters at this mumbo-jumbo. They not only performed havans or grand prayers around agni, the fire-god, for their own salvation but prayed for the entire cosmos, literally, thereby praying for their slaves, the dasyus, today’s dalits, who lived in it. The Brahmins had the monopoly over knowledge, and so no one else was allowed to read or interpret, much less write the Vedas.
In secular India, the grand havans was relegated to a higher level of sentient existence. To govern the lives of ordinary mortals jostling for equality, liberty, fraternity and since 1975, due to a mystifying clerical error, also for socialism and secularism, a new ritual was invented to keep their faith riveted to the promise of a sugar-candy mountain that was to be the fruit of their relentless toil and seemingly endless patience.
On Feb 28, 2002, at the precise hour and the very minute when, in the full knowledge of the country, a knowledge purveyed by the as yet untamed media, thousands of trained, motivated and organized hordes were on the prowl, lynching their fellow human beings with sadistic felicity and burning their homes, prayer halls and shops as part of a xenophobic tryst with a new, purer, Aryanized country —- it was at that precise time that the state of India, the mighty India of nuclear bomb fame, was busy performing its annual grand havan for the welfare of the larger nation.
That annual ritual or the havan was the annual budget. It has been around for some time now, a kind of 21st century annually updated Vedic hymn that vainly seeks the common good of the people in its vicinity and beyond. It could be seen as a new kind of obscurantism to address the demands of adult suffrage. There was a time in the heady days of the dream-vendor called Pandit Nehru when the poor identified with the havan/budget. Now the rich do.
The reason was simple. Nehru’s daughter alienated the Brahmin’s crucial ancillary lobbies. By nationalizing the banks she alienated the Baniya, the ancient trader class, and by suspending the princely privy purses, a British legacy of yore, she angered the Rajput, the sword-arm of any Brahminical dispensation. So you could hear the Vedic-like shlokas, the music of it all, as 545 deputies, barring any chance absentee, sat glued to the verses that flowed from the divine mouth of Yashwant Sinha.
Fiscal deficit swahaa, interest rates swahaa, oil pool deficit swahaa, concessions to the textiles industry to cope with the arriving end of a helpful multi-fibre agreement swahaa, and so on. Just as the neo-fascist ideologues of Mumbai’s Shiv Sena became the mutated products of the city’s defunct left- leaning girni kaamgar union, representing mercilessly locked-out textiles workers, the rightward shift in the rest of India is reaching its completion. What else can you make of the doting presence of the left-wing deputies at Sinha’s grand ritual, his fifth in a row, when Gujarat was burning?
Couldn’t the Congress, the Samajwadis, the communists and Prime Minister Vajpayee’s own non-BJP allies have walked out to see what was happening outside? Three hours they wasted in the parliament performing the havan.
All of them, not just the fanatical Hindu right, are culpable in the crime in Gujarat. A systematic pogrom of helpless Muslims and their steadily diminishing liberal Hindu allies was going on at full throttle with state connivance. Budgets have been stalled before in parliament for much smaller causes. Imagine the powerful impact of the gesture, had a secular deputy got up, and politely excused himself from the proceedings of the havan, telling the speaker that he would read Mr Sinha’s budget speech later, but he had to go now to help douse the fires raging across Gujarat.
But no one did that and thereby lie some clues to the journey from the ancient Roman democratic state to the modern Indian democracy or its other modern equivalents. During hoary tenure of the Greco-Roman democracies there was never any need to manipulate emotions of the slaves, to raise their hopes to cynically dash them to smithereens. Slaves didn’t elect the senators. They didn’t elect anything.
And yet, in a way in Gujarat, the state of India behaved slightly better than the Western world did when Hutus killed the Tutsis in hundreds of thousands during the Rwanda genocide. In India quite often you can tell the religious or ethnic affinity of an individual by the clothes, language, etc, that he or she may sport. Hutus and Tutsis spoke the same language and shared common religions and to be sure they both shared the same genetic code. Yet they could sniff each other out for a bloody carnage. Such was the power of their hatred.
Interestingly, in the Gujarat massacre the key targets of the fanatical mobs of Vishwa Hindu Parishad and the fascist Bajrang Dal were the liberal people, Hindus and Muslims who cannot be distinguished easily. Ehsan Jafri, the former member of parliament, was also a former Communist Party member who believed in and worked for Hindus and Muslims to leave their respective ghettos and prejudices behind to live together. He was killed after being identified through the electoral roll sheet. That at least is a unique contribution to the world by Indian democracy.
Although Napoleon had called England a nation of shop- keepers, there was something still rather Brahminical about British colonialism. Perhaps Macaulay or the Brahminical Kiplingesque romance, a proselytizing spirit, highlighted this aspect. In contrast, the more recent American imperialism is colonialism’s upstart, Baniya version.
There is no Macaulay or Kipling or the White Man’s burden in America’s global nexus, only room for free-market allies where they can be found, and subversion of societies where they have to be created.
The truth is that the baton of 5,000 years of supposed Hindu civilization (the word Hindu is just about 1,200 years old) has passed from the priestly class of Brahmins to the far less cerebrally inclined Baniya. And if the Baniya has acquired the demeanour of a Brahmin, the sociologists will help you understand the phenomenon quite well — they know this behaviour as Sankritization. And thereby hangs another tale of immediate relevance to our narrative.
Look carefully around yourself. From Pakistan to Nepal, from Bangladesh to Bhutan. Who is the one Indian all of India’s neighbours are most wary of? It is the Baniya. Was it not the Baniya in Pakistan, the Jamaat’s shopkeeper mass base who tried to foist Nizam-i-Mustafa in Pakistan.
Likewise it is the Baniya of Hindustan who is spearheading the campaign for a Hindu Rashtra, not the Brahmin, as is widely understood. Remember that standing tall just behind Lal Krishan Advani during his blood-spilling chariot journey, the rath yatra to Ayodhya, was Narendra Modi, then an obscurantist Baniya preacher in the Bharatiya Janata Party’s Gujarat-based seminary of fascism, today’s chief minister of the state.
When Maulana Maudoodi and Guru Golawakar expressed their agreement on the future of the Indian Muslim as a second-class citizen in the arriving Hindu Rashtra, neither of them was thinking of completely exterminating the minorities. But suspending the civic rights of minorities, as the two worthies prescribed, is not permissible under India’s present Constitution. The Gujarat pogroms could be the first step towards removing this obstacle.
The ascent of the Baniya may also explain the obsession with the new kind of havan of the Indian political class, from the left to the right.
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Three days before she was jailed for defying India’s judiciary, perceived to be increasingly authoritarian and pro- rich, acclaimed writer Arundhati Roy walked with a few hundred journalists in New Delhi to protest the communal flare-up in Gujarat. Frail and unpretentious, she nevertheless has an amazing reserve of grit and stamina, a personality whose presence is always a source of succour to the underdog from almost any walk of life. I am just reproducing the hand-written text of her defiant note when she was handed the sentence by the Supreme Court for her one-day imprisonment in a strange contempt case. Arundhati wrote:
I stand by what I said. And I am prepared to suffer the consequences.
The dignity of the court will be upheld by the quality of their judgments. The quality of their judgments will be assessed by the people of this country.
The message is clear. Any citizen who dares to criticize the court order does so at his or her peril.
The judgment only confirms what I said in my affidavit. It is a sad realization for me, because I feel the Supreme Court of India is an important institution and the citizens of India have high expectations from it.


Names are history’s index
By A. B. S. Jafri
THERE are moments when we just throw up our hands in despair, not knowing why this must be a city of heartbreaks. If an opinion poll is held, a vast majority would vote for the proposition that nothing goes right in this gigantic habitation. Somehow, becoming a city escapes Karachi. It has everything that makes a big, bustling and (possibly) a happy place, except the soul that elevates a place to be a city.
In any competition for the biggest steel-and-concrete jungle in Asia, Karachi would take the cake. We have more, and loftier, multi-storeyed giants than anywhere in the subcontinent. Right now, in I. I. Chundrigar Road one is rising feverishly to become the ‘tallest’ of the tall. This only means more and more of the same — only some tall, some taller. Nowhere is that sense of belonging. Neither the people feel they belong to the places, nor the places embrace the people.
In our culture, the bond with the place of birth used to be almost umbilical. People proudly carried the name of their home city or home village as part of their name and fame. You cannot imagine of Jigar without the ‘Moradabadi’, or Majeed without the ‘Lahori’, or the greatest of them all, Hafiz without ‘Shirazi’.
What is a city, or even a dwelling, without a tradition? That is, without the footprints of generations, harking back to unforgettable experiences and encounters — ecstatic as well as agonizing, thrilling as well as chastening. The millions crawling all over the place by themselves do not a city make. What would Lahore be without Bhatigate; or Peshawar without Kissakhawani?
Admittedly, as compared with Lahore or Peshawar or Thatta, Karachi is a mere minor. It does not have an immense lot to brag or dream about. This only emphasizes the need to preserve every bit of inheritance and legacy that we have. Because we do not have an abundance, we ought to be keenly jealous in guarding and preserving our relatively modest baggage.
Due notice must of course be taken of the efforts, still so few and far between, that have lately been made by some thoughtful people. A number of buildings and landmarks have been identified for their value as the city’s inheritance. Some solid work has been done. Let us start building on this beginning.
It takes some courage, perhaps, to be honest in telling the genuine from the counterfeit. Every bit of heritage counts. In the life of a truly self-conscious city, there has to be what one might call the city’s self-esteem. People do at times succumb to smaller instincts — due mostly to a misreading of the value of their inherited assets.
One example should do. We turned the ‘Ram Bagh’ into ‘Aram Bagh’. That must have been in a fit of some irrational rage. That happened when we were very, very young and possibly driven by anger. Socrates tells us it is not given to man to be angry and wise at the same time. We were angry then, hence liable to err. We are mature now, or ought to be. Let us not make the same mistake twice.
Now an educated effort is being made to preserve the city’s heritage in terms of stately structures, sites, landmarks, gardens, roads and the like. In our preoccupation with the most impressive we are likely to ignore the meaningfulness of the modest.
This city’s streets and lanes bear some names that are imperishable part of our history and heritage. These names have been written by the ‘finger’ that defines destiny. Personal likes, or petty impulses, cannot possibly erase what has been etched out on the slate of history.
We have taken some indefensible liberties. There is some consolation that the Hindu Gymkhana retains its true name and is home to a good cause.
Playing funny games with the names of places, of parks and streets and lanes cannot possibly blot out names that are the index to our history. We are now a grown-up, and must ensure that we behave as people of an adult culture.
By dynamiting two thousand-year-old rock carvings, the Taliban have insulted their history, destroying themselves in the insane pursuit of inane shadows.
Leave history alone to tell its authentic tale in Karachi. We must take the rough with the smooth, because facts of historical experience cannot be wished away.
There is something petty about the idea of changing names of streets and lanes. It is like the stupid King Canute ordering back the waves of the ocean. It is unwise to erase or to rewrite chapters of history.
We ought to respect and preserve in its authentic originality what little of our inheritance we have in this city. Great cities are built, run and preserved by people of high minds and large hearts. In New Delhi, Aurangzeb Road is what it was. So is Bahadur Shah Road. Only it is ‘Marg’ for ‘Road’. Please refrain from falsifying history. Truth will remain sacred, even if it be bitter to some immature tastes.


Bund police needed to check dacoits: DATELINE SUKKUR
By Shamim Shamsi
THE northern districts of Sindh have long been known for activities of dacoits. Until recently Sukkur, Ghotki, Khairpur, Jacobabad, Shikarpur and Larkana were badly affected by unabated incidents of kidnapping for ransom and highway robberies. But with the change of police command in Sukkur range, following the attack on a police party in which seven policemen had lost their lives, the law and order situation seems to have improved greatly.
Since the new setup has been put in place, police have no one to recover from the kidnappers, nor have the dacoits made an attempt to kidnap one in any district under the Sukkur range. The police claim that serious crimes like highway robberies have also been curbed effectively.
The police maintain they have been able to achieve the results through coordination between neighbouring districts, as well as by adopting a comprehensive preventive strategy, such as raiding the known hideouts of the dacoits in various districts and arresting a large number of dacoits and patharidars during last three months.
Thus the Sukkur and the Shikarpur police jointly raided the hideouts of Gura Teghani and Shah Jo Belo. Similarly, the Khairpur and the Larkana police organized raids against the gang of Nazroo Narejo.
The police were able to free, within three months, as many as 26 persons from the clutches of the kidnappers. It after many years that there is not a single person in the custody of the kidnappers in any of the five districts in the Sukkur range.
Moreover, in the past few months 31 dacoits were arrested by the Sukkur district police, 16 by the Khairpur district police and 15 by the Ghotki district police. Moreover, 62 patharidars were arrested by the police of these districts collectively. Also, some dacoits were killed in encounters, though the encounter that took place in Sukkur was much disputed.
But the sixty-four dollar question is, will this happy situation last for ever, or is it an interlude, to be followed by turmoil again? There’s nothing permanent in the world but what is required is constant vigilance and ceaseless efforts to prolong the benefits of the achievement made so far. This can be achieved by keeping the pressure on, and remaining in hot pursuit of, the dacoits. There can be no two opinion about the fact that main sanctuaries of the dacoits are in the areas that include Rounti forest, Gura Teghani, Shah Jo Belo, Baggarji, Bindo forest and Saadh forest. The provincial government will have to provide the local police ample resources to rout out the dacoits from all these areas, once for all.
At present, the police have cleared a number of no-go areas around these safe heavens of dacoits by establishing strong police presence there. It may be mentioned here that the Sukkur range was provided additional resources from other parts of the provinces to restore law and order. It is also feared that once these additional resources are withdrawn from these districts, the police may not be able to maintain a strong presence in the katcha area.
One way to check the dacoit menace, according to experienced police officers, is to establish permanent pickets along the flood protective bund. This conclusion is also drawn from the temporary pickets set up along the bund in Khairpur and Larkana that has made the task of the police much easier.
However, establishing permanent police pickets and equipping them with proper communication and logistics will involve a lot of money. Whether the government will spare that much for such projects will depend on the importance it attaches to the safety and security the people.
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KARO-KARI: A former additional advocate-general of Sindh says the government should come out with a heavy hand on those who practise the black custom of Karo-kari in which hundreds of innocent women and men are murdered because the perpetrators of this crime have their own axe to grind, such as usurpation of someone else’s property or showing downing their opponents. Speaking about the new police system, he says Shikarpur, Jacobabad and Ghotki districts in upper Sindh should get due attention. He also seeks a strong role for the lawyers’ community under the new reforms to help build a civil society.


How the Pari Mahal was destroyed
By Majid Sheikh
ALMOST 195 years ago, on Rabi-us-Sani 9, AH 1232 to be exact, Maharajah Ranjit Singh, dressed in his finest robes and seated on his finest horse, one of over a thousand, left the gates of the Lahore Fort and headed towards Shahalami Gate. He told his ministers jokingly that he was going to meet a pari — a fairy.
On arrival, he was received by the custodians of the house of the late Nawaz Aliuddin Wazir Khan, the subedar of Lahore during the Shah Jehan era. The house had acquired the name of Pari Mahal. So lavish was the entertainment and so varied the programme, that the maharajah granted a massive Rs100, a huge sum in those days, for the upkeep of the house. Whether he met his pari or not, that we will leave to the reader’s imagination, for the maharajah loved horses and women with gusto. But the fact remains that he had visited what was one of the finest houses — havelis — of Lahore, and that of a man whose contribution to the city of Lahore remains, by all counts, outstanding even to this day.
There is nothing left of Pari Mahal today, for in the period just before partition, the grand building was being knocked down and its bricks sold off by a contractor, and in the fire of partition, everything went up in smoke or was removed with callous abandon in the name of development. In the area that we today call the D-point parking lot in Shahalami stood the palace of Wazir Khan. Next to the Pari Mahal, even today, a small, partly destroyed, yet beautiful mosque stands with two minarets. This is the Pari Mahal mosque.
The palace was a huge and grand haveli that housed Wazir Khan’s family. It had its own small gardens and fountains. The subedear of Lahore made a name for himself in Shah Jehan’s reign by building in Lahore the finest mosque that stands today, named aptly as the Wazir Khan mosque. Why did the name pari come about? According to one source, the Afghan women who lived in this palace were beautiful and fairer than their neighbours, and everyone mentioned them as fairies, a common use of the word for a fair and beautiful woman even today.
Maharajah Ranjit Singh took possession of the house after he effectively ended Muslim rule over the city and used it for his own “creative” ends. He made sure the building was kept in top condition. Just before him the three joint-rulers of Lahore, Lehna Singh, Sobha Singh and Gujjar Singh, between them stripped the Pari Mahal palace of its beautiful stones and sold them. It is said the Maharajah managed to retrieve some of the stones and repair the Pari Mahal. Even though he used a major portion of the huge house as a gunpowder store, he still maintained a portion for himself. When Sikh rule ended a lot of people occupied small portions of the palace and started paying rent to the Maharajah of Kashmir, who by then, thanks to the British, claimed ownership.
By the time partition came, the entire building was set ablaze and then razed to the ground in the name of development. However, the small mosque next to it remains, a testimony to the master builder of Lahore. The entire mosque does not stand today. Just a small portion and two minarets are intact. On both sides of this small mosque one can see the old Mughal-era walls, a testimony to the once grand palace and mosque that surely deserve a mention in the history of the ancient city.
Wazir Khan’s main feat shall remain the grand mosque he built, undoubtedly the finest in Lahore, and of far greater beauty and significance than the Badshahi Masjid opposite the fort. Wazir Khan’s biggest contribution was the opening of a school and university of religious learning on the side of the mosque. He set aside a huge fund to ensure that the tradition of learning continued after he was no longer there. For this, a series of shops were built to contribute funds to the upkeep of this seat of learning.
And so ended the legend of Pari Mahal, the finest haveli that existed in Lahore. The Sikhs plundered and misused it, the British turned a blind eye to it, and the flames of partition consumed it, with the new-era “claim generation” selling off its bricks to put an end to history. Half a century has gone by and now it is being realized that the Walled City of Lahore needs to be protected. My father used to tell me that this was the world’s largest living museum, and live it must to have a meaning, for the people of Lahore, who in all their shades and hues, make up the real Lahore. Special laws are needed to stop the new soul-destroying constructions that are taking place. If we are ever to rebuild our ‘pari mahals,’ a special effort is needed over a long and sustained period of time.

