The man and the Cup. Imran Khan speaking as the winning captain in Australia at the end of the 1992 World Cup.
Working its way up through layers and layers of odds, our team entered the ultimate battle with brimming confidence and faith in itself. For once the proverbial uncertainties of cricket gave way to the sure-fire determination of an inspired outfit. “The Cup is ours” at last and no trophy was more deservedly won.
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MQM TORTURE CELLS FOUND
DAWN June 26, 1992 (Editorial)
Who bears responsibility for these horrors?
THE horrifying tales pouring out of Karachi of what the MQM was up to, of the torture chambers it ran and how it dealt with dissidents make spine-chilling reading. What is the proper reaction to them? One of anger, horror or plain, dumb silence? And is this enough to make up the loss of those who suffered at the MQM’s hands or whose near and dear ones were scarred or consumed in the flames of its various houses of torture? The reaction to these stories must also be one of shame. Was it not known far and wide that the MQM leaders had almost made a godhead of terror, using it to sustain their political hegemony in Karachi and, more darkly, to destroy their opponents, especially from amongst the Mohajir community, who were reckless enough to oppose their practices. The worst sufferers, of course, were those who were guilty of intraparty dissent. All this and more was known about the MQM but a conspiracy of silence surrounded its activities because those who should have spoken out were either afraid of the consequences or they were vying for the MQM leaders’ support and thus conniving at whatever they did.
Since charity should begin at home, it must be said that in the first category falls the Karachi based Press which was afraid to write a word about the MQM’s widely-suspected atrocities. Yet a far greater rank was made up of those who for political considerations humoured the MQM and its volatile chief. Successive dispensations — some visible, some not so visible — backed the MQM because its support was crucial or because its street power was considered vital in neutralising other political forces.
There are a few additional things that need to be said about the current army operation in Karachi. This operation must be taken to its logical, political conclusion. Obviously this is not something that the army can or should do. It is a question that the country’s civilian leadership, not entirely blameless for what has been happening in Karachi, must address. Otherwise, it will mean attacking the symptoms of the problem without getting to its roots. Scarcely a wise thing to do after all that has happened.
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RELIGION COLUMN TO BE INCLUDED
DAWN October 16, 1992 (Editorial)
Identity Card: an unnecessary move
THE point that readily comes to mind about the government’s decision henceforth to require a citizen’s religion to be mentioned in his/her National Identity Card is that it is both unnecessary and unjust. It is unwarranted because an ID card’s basic function is merely to establish the bearer’s personal identity — and no more. Indeed, the decision opens the possibilities of discrimination and harassment on the basis of religion, particularly in an environment of heightened polarisation on ethnic, regional and sectarian lines. If that were to happen, it would be making a mockery of the categorical declaration of the founder of the nation that in Pakistan there would be “no discrimination, no distinction between one community and another, no discrimination between one caste and another” because “that has nothing to do with the business of the state.” A feeling of disquiet on this score arises because a section of the religious lobby is already demanding the removal of one particular sect from state service and there is no knowing which other community or sect is targeted next.
There is time yet for the authorities to reconsider the matter objectively and reverse the ill-advised decision.
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SUPREME COURT RESTORES NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
DAWN May 27, 1993 (News Reports)
Nawaz reinstated
IN a landmark decision, the Supreme Court of Pakistan on Wednesday [May 26] restored the National Assembly and reinstated Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif along with his cabinet, holding that the action of April 18, 1993, was not within the ambit of powers conferred on the President by the Constitution. “... The National Assembly, prime minister and the cabinet shall stand restored and entitled to function as immediately before the impugned order was passed,” the Court said in a massive 10-1 majority decision.
The 11-member Full Court, headed by Chief Justice Dr Nasim Hasan Shah, announced the judgment at about 3.15pm after a 100-minute break. However, the short order validated all acts and measures taken by the caretaker government since April 18, 1993, to the passing of the court order.
DAWN May 27, 1993
PRESIDENT ISHAQ NOT TO QUIT: President Ghulam Ishaq Khan on Wednesday [May 26] announced he had no intention to quit following the Supreme Court judgment which quashed his April 18 order as illegal and unconstitutional. An official spokesman of the presidency said: “President Ghulam Ishaq Khan has always tried to the best of his wisdom and belief to act in accordance with the Constitution and the law which were in fact an article of faith with him. He would continue to do so in future both as a constitutional obligation and the religious duty and in the best interest of country’s integrity, the good of the nation and the future of democracy.”
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TROIKA WORKS OUT THE EXIT PLAN
DAWN July 18, 1993 (News Report)
Ishaq, Nawaz agree to step down
PRESIDENT Ghulam Ishaq Khan and Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif agreed to step down from their offices after a series of meetings with top generals of Pakistan Army on Saturday [July 17], paving the way for fresh general election in the country within three months. Two sessions of the Big Three, President Ghulam Ishaq Khan, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and Army Chief General Abdul Waheed, were held in which all details of the smooth changeover from the present setup to a neutral caretaker setup in the Centre and the provinces were discussed threadbare.
Another round of the Big Three is scheduled for Sunday morning in which the last details about the caretaker setups in the Centre and the provinces would be decided. Official sources said the Prime Minister had decided to address the nation on Sunday at 8pm in which he would announce the decisions of the meetings and declare that he was stepping down in the larger national interest.
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FRESH ELECTIONS IN THREE MONTHS
DAWN July 20, 1993 (Editorial)
A new beginning
AFTER days of nerve-racking suspense, the curtain has finally been drawn on what will probably be remembered as one of the most bizarre political dramas in the country’s history. It took long and hectic efforts, principally by the army chief, and a lot of hard bargaining by the two main protagonists — the President and the Prime Minister — to arrive at a formula to resolve the dreadful impasse. The arrangement that has finally emerged could have been worked out earlier had the two principal figures shown some political flexibility and realism. Had the two tried hard enough to hit it off together, the nation could have been spared the trauma of having to go through one of the worst political crises in its history, and the army the compulsion to intercede. However, all that is past now and the important thing is that the nation and democracy have come out of the crisis without grave damage. Of course, the heat and bitterness generated during the past few months will continue to be felt for quite some time, but the people can heave a sigh of relief that the worst is over.
A neutral set-up is now in place at the Centre as well as in the provinces to hold elections in October. The army has undertaken to ensure that the process is free and fair, so that its outcome is accepted by all and the new assemblies have the legitimacy they need to be effective.
What the crisis has done is to highlight the fragility and immaturity of our democratic setup. The crisis manifested itself not only in the stand-off between the President and the Prime Minister, but also in the rank opportunism of some top political personalities and in the ease with which large numbers of legislators switched their loyalties or promised to do so.
The caretakers have a crucial responsibility in this regard. It is expected of them that they would stay clear of any controversy and make sure that the administration at all levels remains strictly neutral. This means, above all else, allowing full opportunities of participation to all contestants in the coming polls.
Tenure II: 1997-99
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PML-N SWEEPS GENERAL ELECTIONS
DAWN February 18, 1997 (Editorial)
A daunting task
MR Mohammad Nawaz Sharif begins his second term as Prime Minister with a tremendous advantage which is matched only by the awesome responsibility that stems from his party’s overwhelming majority. The advantage lies in two things — first in his being put in a position where he can do what good he is capable of doing unhindered by a recalcitrant opposition in Parliament and secondly in the enormous good will with which he is starting owing to the sense of crisis the country had been left with at the end of Ms Benazir Bhutto’s rule. In fairness, though, it must be acknowledged that he had made a no insignificant contribution of his own to the mess we found ourselves in on November 5, 1996. Now for the burden of responsibility. The burden is so heavy because his performance will be measured against the copious and almost extravagant promises he held out in the course of the election campaign and because it will not be easy for him to find an excuse for his failure to deliver.